Eleições, pesquisas e estratégias de marketing: a campanha eleitoral de Micarla de Sousa em Natal (2008)

From the importance that the political science and the social sciences began to give the electoral programs on TV, were examined in that work academic the effects of research in electoral marketing strategies in Gratuitous Timetable of the Electoral Publicity of the marketing year the candidate Micarla de Sousa (PV) in 2008 for the prefecture of Natal. To analyze the marketing strategies of electoral candidate Micarla de Sousa were used three sources of data: the HGPE on the first part, The interview with the coordinator's marketing campaign of Micarla de Sousa, José Ivan and the quantitative research carried out by the Office IBOPE before and during the period of HGPE. In the analysis of electoral programs, was used the qualitative and quantitative approach, taking as objective to verify whether there was some change in marketing strategy in the candidate Micarla HGPE. So the electoral programs that candidate were transcribed and analyzed and then faced with the results of researches electoral IBOPE carried out in the same period. The interview with the coordinator's marketing campaign the candidate Micarla de Sousa brought relevant information on the construction of public image at the time pre-electoral and electoral. In search of IBOPE, socioeconomic variables were regarded assex, age, education and income. With the collection of this data, there was an intersection of information about the voting intentions of Micarla candidate for mayor of Natal and it was checked how his candidacy has increased or decreased within the surveyed segments and how these oscillations marketing strategies directed at the candidate's HGPE for any specific audience. Also, do not forget that the electoral process is influenced by various factors, because this process is dynamic

Conto com o seu voto: marketing político eleitoral no primeiro turno das eleições presidenciais de 2010

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior

Alianças eleitorais em Natal (2008): O PT e seus aliados

Este estudo faz uma abordagem sobre as alianças eleitorais, destacando duas vertentes importantes nos processos de suas formações nas arenas políticas. Na primeira parte do trabalho é feita uma análise mais geral a respeito da problemática em questão. Onde dois ciclos políticos são analisados, apresentando o comportamento político-partidário dos partidos no Brasil. No primeiro ciclo, uma breve compreensão da política café-com-leite na República Velha, na qual, PRP e PRM dominam politicamente a arena nacional. O segundo ciclo, compreendido de 1945 a 1964, foram analisados os processos eleitorais estaduais e nacionais. Nestes, os resultados analíticos mostram o que refletem no comportamento político-partidário dos partidos do passado e do presente no país. Outro aspecto importante também abordado na primeira parte foi a verticalização das alianças eleitorais, a qual teve como objetivo impor harmonia partidária entre os partidos nas formações das alianças eleitorais. Revendo esse processo político, vimos que, a imposição da verticalização não resolveu o problema da inexistência harmônica dos partidos no ato da formação das alianças eleitorais tocante ao espectro ideológico. A segunda parte da pesquisa está dividida em duas partes. A primeira faz uma análise sobre a trajetória política do PT e suas políticas de alianças, que se inicia no V Encontro Nacional do Partido em 1987. Como consequência da expansão partidária, outras políticas de alianças são aprovadas pelo Partido dos Trabalhadores. Na segunda parte, é trabalhada as eleições municipais de 2008 em Natal, que observa analiticamente a campanha do PT e as alianças eleitorais realizadas pelo Partido para participar do pleito. Os velhos adversários políticos e oligárquicos formaram alianças com PT. Partido que nasceu combatendo as velhas práticas da política conservadora no nosso país, nos estados e nos municípios brasileiros

Rejeição e voto em eleição contemporânea: um estudo de caso da eleição à prefeitura do município de Natal/RN (2012)

Given the importance that political science and social sciences give studies of voting behavior, this study sought to fill this academic discussion another important element that makes up this complex set. From the campaign trail to City Christmas in 2012 work has been undertaken analysis of rejection in the first and second rounds of this election. For this analysis we used two sources of data: quantitative research, conducted by Search Consult the first and second rounds of elections, and the use of focus group technique, performed in the second round of elections. Knowing the various factors that may affect the voting decision, but also the dynamism that pervades a political dispute, seek, with this work, contribute to the deepening of the rejection of studies, aiming to bring subsidies presenting information to better explain the behavior studies election. The results showed that there is a less expressive, the chamda strong rejection. We speak of that rejection based on a political, historical and ideological. The reason for the weak presence of strong rejection seems to be little involvement of voters with politics and, consequently, low knowledge about politics and politicians. We observe, however, evidence of rejection volatile. We refer here to a kind of rejection that develops during the election process depending on the preference of the voter and according to the circumstances of the campaign. The data also lead us to conclude that television is as an instrument for the dissemination of ideas that can contribute in shaping the opinion of viewers. The role of political parties in representing the interests of the people have lost their strength in recent years. The data also show that, to the extent that increases the preference of voters in the electoral process, also increases its rejection

O voto e seus enigmas: A dimensão subjetiva das escolhas eleitorais

Ce travail analyse la portée subjective des Choix Électoraux à travers la notion psychanalytique du désarroi humain. Nous avons développé cette recherche ayant pour référence la pensée de Freud et de Lacan et suivant les jalons posés par les penseurs des sciences sociales nous nous sommes rapprochées de la réalité sociale pour y « atteindre sur son horizon la subjectivité de notre époque ». La condition de désarroi fait partie de la structuration du sujet, du fait qu il dépend entièrement de l Autre pour se construire. Cependant l être humain se crée des mécanismes pour se protéger du désarroi absolu, il trouve des arts de vivre qui lui rendent plus facile sa condition d être. Les idéaux, les pactes sociaux ce sont des modalités de sécurité sans lesquelles le sujet fixe ses particularités sans s engager dans le processus civilisatoire. Nous caractérisons la société contemporaine par la chute successive d une série d idéaux qui fait monter de plus en plus le désarroi. Dans l absence d idéaux sociaux et politiques sur lesquels l électeur puisse se repérer, nous remaquons une tendance vers l individualisme et vers l absence d investissements dans des projets colectifs. Cette façon d opérer se dévoile aussi au moment de choisir un candidat, ce qui se base sur la logique du particulier motivée par des perspectives individuelles, sans liens avec la promotion de la vie publique. Notre enquête a été réalisée à Natal durant la campagne électorale de 2002. Notre objectif est de comprendre surtout la logique des choix électoraux de la population de la périphérie, celle qui se trouve devant un double désarroi : celle de sa condition humaine et celle qu advient de la précaire condition de subsistance. Nous soutenons que l idée selon laquelle le candidat, par la position qu il occupe dans la société, détient la fonction d offrir quelques garanties à l électeur et de cette manière il entre dans la série de ce qui peut soulager et promouvoir un certain réconfort aux personnes, même si l on considère le fait que l électeur ne croit plus à ses représentants. Nous sommes partis des questions suivantes: comment identifier la dimension subjective des choix électoraux et de quelle manière celle-ci se manifeste-t-elle de nos jours ? Comment se passe le choix éléctoral de la population qui est à la marge du système? La thèse que nous soutenons est que l état de désarroi est un substrat subjectif qui est la base de tout choix éléctoral mais qui se configure de façon différenciée à partir des références de l électeur, de son contexte historique, des facteurs économiques, etc. Le sujet, face à son désarroi, construit des chemins pour pouvoir soutenir son existence ce que nous appellons ici un Projet Directionnel. Ce facteur directionnel est l un des éléments de motivation des électeurs dans leurs choix électoraux

Slogans políticos em campanhas eleitorais no Rio Grande do Norte: a mídia na disputa ideológica.

To the observe the periods of electoral campaigns, we can realize sharply the abundance of political propaganda that announces the candidates, their campaign record, their proposed and everything that can carry them to the victory in the urns. The propaganda is today an essential tool in the votes dispute, in consequence of this, there is, in Brazil, the increasing participation of the Politics Parties in seminars of electoral marketing. They are varied strategies of the media used in the divulging of the candidacies, among them the slogan. Instigated by the explicit relation media/political, this work intends to investigate the ideologies (values) announced by the slogans of political propaganda that circulated in electoral periods. Thus, we base on the theory of the Circle of Bakhtin, who considers the statement as unit of the verbal communication, and that conceives the language as phenomenon dialogical, and, too, in the conceptions of alien words, social voices and dialogical relations formulated by the referred theory. We use, for better to comprehend, the slogan as strategy mediatic, of the classical study done by Olivier Reboul concerning the slogan; and, like starting point of a conception about ideology, studied John Thompson to comprehends the ideological phenomenon. Our corpus it constitutes of 14 political slogans announced in the campaigns for mayor of the cities in Natal and Mossoró, both located in Rio Grande do Norte s state, Brazil, in 1996, 2000 and 2004. For the analysis of these slogans, we consider the social-historical context in which were announced, being contemplated the linguistic and discursive aspect, according to the following methodological order: the identification of alien words (interdiscours); the social voices and the kinds dialogical relations established; and, finally, the ideology announced by the statement. This way, we can arrive to the conclusion that in the electoral context occurs a true ideologies war , in other words, in the political game of an electoral campaign, the slogans announces different values, which vary in several factors function, for example, the historicity, the subject that enunciates, the discursive positionings.

O jogo das identidades como fator de mobilização político-eleitoral nas campanhas de Dilma Rousseff e Rosalba Ciarlini em 2010

Starting from the premise that we live in the society of spectacle, as proclaimed by Guy Debbord, and, in this context, the media feeds itself off of this spectacularization and constructs a culture of images and production of goods, providing templates from which the subject can identify himself/herself as being male or female, successful or unsuccessful, powerful or powerless. In other words, the culture conveyed by the media produces material for the creation of identities through which individuals insert and recognize themselves in contemporary society. Observing the election campaigns, we can see clearly that this profusion of identities is fairly explored in the advertising propaganda used by the candidates, particularly in the propaganda broadcasted on the Free Electoral Time on TV. Instigated by the explicit relation between the media and politics within the society of the spectacle, this study aims to investigate the main identities that emerge in the discursive practices of the media in the election campaigns of 2010 for president of the Republic and governor of the State of Rio Grande do Norte that had as protagonists the candidates at that moment Dilma Rousseff (PT) for president and Rosalba Ciarline (DEM) for governor. To do so, we based ourselves on the theory of Bakhtin Circle, which considers the statement as a unit of verbal communication and conceives language as a dialogical phenomena and a discursive practice and also in the conceptions of dialogical relationships, social voices and chronotope formulated by the previous mentioned theory. Still in the theoretical field, we have established an interconnection with the theories coming from the Cultural Studies (Hall, Woodward) about the identity, which conceives it as multiple, fragmented, non-fixed, so that, the subject assumes different identities, not always coherent, at different times, depending on the context in which they are approached. The research is situated in the frames of Applied Linguistics, which considers language as the center of its studies and settles on the border of an open number of areas of knowledge expanding its possibilities of investigation by means of the interdisciplinary. Our corpus consists in 20 electoral propaganda videos aired on TV during the Free Election Time in 2010 campaign; among these, 14 videos are Dilma Rousseff s propaganda and 06 videos are Rosalba Ciarline s propaganda. We seek for the purpose of the analysis to identify the identities which emerge from the discourses about the candidates in propaganda videos broadcasted in the referred campaign, as well as realize the dialogical relations established in these discourses and even if the identity construction of these subjects is located in the same axiological axis. The corpus analysis revealed that the multiple cultural identities of the candidates campaigning emerge in the discourses circulating in the electoral propaganda aired on TV such as: the identities of pioneer woman, competent, sensitive, mother, grandmother, religious. And, yet, those are changeable as the electoral demands, in other words, the need to obtain support and votes, outline a fluid identity construction about the candidate to the position in question

Os programas de governo no horário gratuito de propaganda eleitoral:um estudo das eleições governamentais no Rio Grande do Norte em 2006

In Brazil, the Free Political advertising time (HGPE) represents one of the main venues for the contest between political parties, revealing a tool that streamlines the electoral dispute and enables all sectors and social classes of important information about dispute over candidates. In HGPE, political groups have the opportunity to present their programs of government and discuss issues that relate to the demands of the population. This research sought to examine the role played by so-called "government programs" in the electoral race for governor of Rio Grande do Norte in 2006, which had as main candidates, two traditional characters of the political landscape in Natal: Wilma de Faria (PSB) and Garibaldi Alves Filho (PMDB). According to our analysis, discussion of government programs such candidates in HGPE had not meant to enlighten the voters about the political projects designed, not just the desire to build an image of seriousness and competence of candidates, but appeared as a means to meet the schedule imposed by the opponent and as a strategic resource to select a specific segment of the electorate.

Quatro vezes Lula-lá A imagem pública de Lula no horário eleitoral nas quatro campanhas presidenciais

Descreve-se aqui a formação da Imagem Pública de Luis Inácio Lula da Silva através do Horário Gratuito de Propaganda Eleitoral, nas quatro eleições presidenciais que marcaram o período de democratização do País: 1989, 1994, 1998 e 2002. O fato de um candidato contrário às elites, três vezes derrotado em eleições anteriores, conseguir convencer através da mídia a elegê-lo eleitores que votavam antes em seus adversários, demonstra que a democracia representativa brasileira é institucionalmente compatível com regime de informação imposto pelos meios de comunicação de massa na sociedade atual? Além de comprovar a preponderância da Imagem Pública em processos eleitorais em que o Cenário de Representação da Política se caracteriza pela imprevisibilidade, a pesquisa constatou ainda que a atual luta política, mais que uma luta meramente pela visibilidade imposta pela TV e pelos meios de comunicação em geral ainda é uma disputa política. E que a mídia enquadra a política, mas também é por ela agendada, principalmente em momentos de grande incerteza política e/ou pouca previsibilidade eleitoral

Sistema eleitoral proporcional : uma proposta técnico-politica para o Brasil

The present work aims to analyze the several proportional electoral systems from the contemporaries democracies in order to, in the end, purpose a system that better fits to the constitutional Brazilian order. In this direction, we pursued to indicate the main virtues and imperfections in proportional electoral systems in use in more than two hundred countries, especially relating to the positive and negative effects that these systems inject in the party systems, in the governability and in the representativity. In order to collect elements, and also before getting to the work s main point, other issues were approached, even in a shortened way. Nevertheless, in a position taking, we conclude the work opting for a proportional electoral system that potencializes the constitutional principles of representativity and governability as well as prints a party system strong and strict, once these are the depositaries of a democracy compromised with the Brazilian society

O livro de leitura da campanha de pé no chão também se aprende a ler/RN: um estudo dos pressupostos histórico-culturais

This work is about the historical and cultural assumptions inserted in the contents of literacy of the Campanha de Pé no Chão Também se Aprende a Ler, a movement of culture and popular education, developed in the State of Rio Grande do Norte in the period between 1961 and 1964. The hypothesis is the one of the existence of a romantic-political ideology which permeated a national developmentalist conception sited in its didactic-pedagogic instrument of literacy, the Book of Lecture of De Pé no Chão Também se Aprende a Ler/RN (1963). It has the aim to understand how the popular critical consciousness marked by conceptions of culture and popular education in its social, cultural and ideological relations, happened. Analyses the object of study by the symbolical cartography, methodological procedures which have as principles to retire from an antecedent source implicit meanings that can discover new realities, articulating the keywords of that document to the ideology that surrounded the Campanha de Pé no Chão Também se Aprende a Ler /RN. As results, the research showed that, considering the historical-cultural assumptions of the national developmentalist thought sited in the studied Book of Lecture, the conditions of the political-cultural context and of the advance of the Brazilian national industry on the beginning of the 1960th , admitted a process of social integration lavished by the popular literacy on the Campanha de Pé no Chão/RN, linked with the possibility of transition of the popular conscience, in a romantic-political perspective of the culture and the popular education

Em nome da ordem: a campanha de pé no chão na visão dos inquisidores

The main goal of this work is analyze the way which the Natal City Prefecture was constructed as a place of subversion by those we call defenders of the order, in the period right after the outbreak of military coup in 1964. To reach it, the main resource of search was the Relatório Subversão no Rio Grande do Norte , document produced from the investigations realized in Natal City Prefecture as a result of the Commission of Inquiry s work, established by the governor Aluízio Alves to determine the subversion in Rio Grande do Norte s society. Based on the anti-comunist speech. That document introduces other image of the Prefecture, which activities developed by de second Djalma Maranhão administration (1961-1964), specially those developed in the educational area, as the campaign De Pé no Chão Também se Aprende a Ler , were considered subversive , communist , dangerous , threatening , names that served as backing to embed Natal City Prefecture in the general view about subversion existing in Rio Grande do Norte, according to the repression speech in this initial period of military regime. Key-words: 1964 Military Coup Natal City Prefecture

Falas silenciadas: relatos de mulheres/educadoras sobre a campanha de pé no chão também se aprende a ler

Au cours de cette recherche, nous traitons la reinterprétation de cette campagne de Pé no Chão Também se Aprende a Ler , tout en utilisant un moyen défini a travers les parlers de femmes qui avaient travaillé dans le projet d alphabétisation développé par la Mairie de la Ville de Natal au début des années 1960. Le parler de cinq femmes/ éducatrices, participantes actives de ce projet, se constitue en tant qu unité principale de référence de ce travail. À partir de leurs témoignages nous avons cherché à contextualiser et enrichir un peu plus la période concernante à l avènement de la Campagne. Il s agit de témoignages qui ont des rapports avec l éducation, la culture et la conscientisation politique, véhicule à la compréhension du contexte historique dans lequel s insérait le groupe engagé dans la Campagne de Pé no chão também se aprende a ler .Nous avons développé notre travail à travers la méthodologie compréhensible du discours (Kaufmann, 1996), tout en mélangeant le matériel recherché et la théorie. Les considérations finales font état de nos impressions à propos de ce projet à partir des témoignages de ces cinq femmes/éducatrices. Le gouvernement de Djalma Maranhão se caracterize pu democratie et populaire et ce travail éducatif considérer subversives a décennie 1960