30 resultados para Discurso político brasileiro
em Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte(UFRN)
Resumo:
Cette recherche décrit la représentation discursive que la présidente Dilma Rousseff fait de soi-même, dans son discours devant le Congrès National, lors de la journée d’investiture, le 1/1/2011. Notre travail se situe dans le domaine théorique et méthodologique de la linguistique du texte et, plus spécialement, dans la perspective de l’Analyse Textuelle des Discours – ATD (ADAM, 2011 [2008a]), qui se définit comme « une théorie de la production co(n)textuelle de sens qui doit se fonder sur l’analyse de textes concrets ». Elle nous fournit la notion théorique et analytique de « représentation discursive », qui se focalise sur la dimension sémantique du texte. Nous nous appuyons, aussi, sur des travaux récents sur les représentations discursives, réalisés dans la recherche brésilienne sur l’ATD (RODRIGUES, PASSEGGI, SILVA NETO, 2010, 2012; RAMOS, 2011; OLIVEIRA, 2013; QUEIROZ, 2013; ZAMBLANO-OLIVEIRA, PASSEGGI, 2013). Les principales opérations sémantiques de construction de la représentation discursive utilisées dans notre travail sont la Référenciation et la Prédication. L’approche méthodologique est, en même temps, qualitative et quantitative, priorisant l’identification des occurrences, ainsi que la description détaillée de leurs valeurs sémantiques et textuelles. Les résultats de la recherche sont de trois ordres : méthodologique, théorique et descriptif-interprétatif. Méthodologique : nous proposons une approche que nous désignons comme « marquage textuel » (ou « mappage textuel ») qui permet de marquer (étiqueter) les valeurs sémantiques des formes linguistiques, permettant leur identification dans le flux textuel, c.-à-d., dans la dimension séquentiellecompositionnelle du texte. Théorique : nous introduisons la notion de « domaines de la représentation discursive » qui organisent et articulent les différents éléments qui composent la représentation discursive de la présidente. Quant aux résultats descriptifsinterprétatifs du discours de l’investiture, ils indiquent que la représentation discursive de la présidente se configure au moyen de différents domaines conceptuels, explicités par les référenciations et les prédications. Ils mettent en relief les désignations et les actions / états, aussi bien de la femme – domaine du genre – que de la présidente – domaine du rôle politique et institutionnel. La présidente se représente explicitement et avec emphase comme l’agent responsable par les actions exprimées par les prédications verbales (verbes d’action), consciente de l’importance de son rôle politique et social. Les prédications nominales signalent clairement une représentation discursive qui englobe les domaines conceptuels politique, moral, éthique, comportemental et émotionnel (forte, accueillante, pionnière, consolidatrice, infatigable, humble, engagée, démocrate, victorieuse et courageuse). Le discours d’investiture réalise, donc, des désignations positives de la présidente, lesquelles se situent dans un temps présent et prospectif – avec des perspectives de futur – comme leader politique du Brésil, avec une participation active dans la transformation du pays, tenant compte aussi de son histoire de vie, sa biographie de luttes. Ainsi, la description empirique et l’interprétation de ce discours particulier contribue à l’analyse textuelle des représentations discursives dans le discours politique brésilien contemporain. Elle soulève, aussi, des questions théoriques et méthodologiques qui nous semblent pertinentes pour le développement de cette aproche.
Resumo:
O objetivo deste trabalho é investigar como as representações discursivas do locutor e dos alocutários são construídas no discurso de renúncia ao mandato de senador, proferido por Antonio Carlos Magalhães (ACM), na 62ª sessão deliberativa ordinária, em 30/5/2001. A perspectiva teórica que adotamos situa-se no campo da Linguística do Texto, com foco na abordagem da Análise Textual dos Discursos ATD (Adam, 2011). A noção de representação discursiva apresentada pela ATD constitui um dos aspectos da dimensão semântica do texto e baseia-se parcialmente nos trabalhos de Grize sobre a esquematização (1990, 1996). Complementamos as categorias de análise com contribuições que nos permitem detalhar a expressão linguística, textual, e discursiva das representações discursivas (Neves, 2006; Castilho 2010; Rodrigues, Passeggi, Silva Neto, 2010; Rodrigues et al. 2012; Passeggi, 2012). O enfoque metodológico é qualitativo, descritivo e interpretativista (Minayo, 1994; Trivinõs; 1987; Gil, 2002). Os procedimentos de análise utilizam as categorias semânticas de referenciação, predicação, modificação (de referentes e predicações), localização espacial e temporal, conexão e comparação. A representação discursiva do locutor (ACM) é constituída pelo conjunto de representações mais específicas, expressas nas referenciações e nas suas modificações: vítima; político; sigla; baiano, nordestino; presidente do senado; senador confiante; condenado. ACM, como protagonista, assume sempre a sua voz no discurso, manifesta seus pontos de vista e posiciona-se como sujeito ativo, consciente da importância do seu papel político e social, que o torna alvo e vítima das ações dos adversários. Complementando essa referenciação, as predicações e suas modificações se expressam através de verbos de ação, em especial, verbos na 1ª pessoa do singular que marcam o tempo presente, real e conclusivo de ações que constroem um cenário positivo para si mesmo. A localização temporal e espacial, indica as ações realizadas pelos participantes nas diversas etapas temporais selecionadas pelo texto, articuladas a três espaços principais: o Senado Federal, o Brasil e, naturalmente, a Bahia. Por sua vez, conectores adversativos (sobretudo, mas ), explicativos e condicionais acompanham e estruturam o ritmo argumentativo do discurso de renúncia de ACM
Resumo:
This study aims to analyze the tectonic character of the works of Sergio Bernardes and Glauco Campello architects, built in Paraiba, between the turn of the decade in 1970 and early 1980 in order to bring reflections about the poetics of construction s importance in the formal structure of the architecture, contributing to the debate about the specificitiesand peculiarities of modern architecture produced in Brazil. The research, using the strategies of the case study, startsfromthe review on the use of "tectonic" by Kenneth Frampton and other scholars of the term, to base the concept and set the analytical parameters of the tectonics. Then it proceeds to the insertion of buildings in the cultural and socio-political Brazilian s context in the periodproposed forstudy, in sequence, analyzesthe works of each architect. The study confirms that the expressive power of Brazilian heroic modern architecture, emphasizing the poetics of construction, sediments a tectonic culture that resonates in the following generations
Resumo:
Soulignant l´importance des transformations du discours politique du cinéma brésilien actuel, cet étude entreprend une analyse de la dimension éthique du cinéma de Walter Salles. Pour cela, nous avons parti de trois films long-métrages du directeur: Terra Estrangeira, Central do Brasil et Abril Despedaçado. Les films sélectionnés constituent les trois diférents chapitres de cette mémoire de maîtrise, qui s´articulent a des diférentes dimensions de l´éthique - l´hospitalité, la réliaison, et le pardon- et se présentent em format essayistique. Au texte, ces dimensions éthiques émergent à partir des récits, surtout des expériences existencielles des protagonistes et de ses singulières rencontres avec l´altérité. Comme tel, dialoguent avec des réflétions d´auteurs comme Edgar Morin, Zigmunt Bauman, Julia Kristeva, Paul Ricoeur et Hannah Arendt. Des diférents régistres de la connaissance -artistique, scientifique, religieuse- s´articulent donc dans le travail, et dialoguent en condition d´égalité. La recherche fait usage de matériels multiples qui incluent, au-delà des films mentionnés, et de ses respectifs scripts, des références à d´autres long-métrages et documentaires du directeur, ainsi que, des makingoffs, entretiens, et interprétations de commentaristes comme Lucia Nagib, Luiz Zanin Oricchio, Ivana Bentes, Pedro Butcher e Jurandir Freire Costa
Resumo:
The thought of Eloy de Souza is studied (1873-1959), that left a significant intellectual production in the journalistic, cultural and politicial scope on the Northeast and the dilemmas of the droughts. Through the method of content analysis, his journalistic and literary speech is investigated, looking at to understand the elaboration and/ or reiteration of categories, of representations and of values; it is verified how was conceived the constitution of the political thought and which is it´s principal slopes; the parliamentary speech, present in his interventions is analyzed in plenary session, participation in commissions and in his projects, particularly in the thematic area of the droughts. It is verified that his work is built in a political and ideological perspective inserting the bourgeoisie landowner's interests and Northeastern commercial and of it´s political strata, inside the historical block of agro-industry power that has as irradiation focus the area of the coffee represented politically by the oligarchies person from São Paulo and Minas Gerais. In that sense, two crucial categories emerge: the droughts and the country, as the Northeastern and Brazilian man's synthesis, with their resistance capacity and adaptation, and their creative effort in an adverse enviroment, that Eloy de Souza started to insert in his political speech. However, the vision that he passes of the "country suffer", expresses a certain idealization of a lifestyle that corresponds to a traditional dominance, that he want´s to be reproduced. Although it looked for the solution for the drought through the modernization of the economy by the adoption of advanced methods as the irrigation, his concern went back to the conservation of the economical and cultural political hegemony of that elite. Thus, his inquietude with the process of integration of the subordinate sections, justifies his consensual speech, harmonic as organic intellectual of the agrarian-commercial bourgeoisie of the Brazilian Northeast
Resumo:
This study aims to analyze the tectonic character of the works of Sergio Bernardes and Glauco Campello architects, built in Paraiba, between the turn of the decade in 1970 and early 1980 in order to bring reflections about the poetics of construction s importance in the formal structure of the architecture, contributing to the debate about the specificitiesand peculiarities of modern architecture produced in Brazil. The research, using the strategies of the case study, startsfromthe review on the use of "tectonic" by Kenneth Frampton and other scholars of the term, to base the concept and set the analytical parameters of the tectonics. Then it proceeds to the insertion of buildings in the cultural and socio-political Brazilian s context in the periodproposed forstudy, in sequence, analyzesthe works of each architect. The study confirms that the expressive power of Brazilian heroic modern architecture, emphasizing the poetics of construction, sediments a tectonic culture that resonates in the following generations
Resumo:
This work studies the dispute by Party Communist s memory in Brazil during and after division which it resulted in the appearance of two parties entitled communists, in the brazilian political context, in the final of the fifties and beginning of the sixties: the Brazilian Communist Party (in Portuguese, Partido Comunista Brasileiro) and the Communist Party of Brazil (in portuguese, Partido Comunista do Brasil). Along of yours three chapters, the author tries to answer some questions as: what were the elements which constituted the Communist Party s memory, in the period from 1922 to 1956? At which moment did this memory pass to be fiercely contested? Who and which documents reveal this? How did it happen the dispute by this memory? The approach to topic consider which the production of memory by Communist Party and the dispute for your possession by communists of PCB and of PCdoB happened in scope of national reality and of party, spaces notions understand from concept of memory developed for authors as Halbwachs, Le Goff, Pollack and Pierre Nora. To explain the objectives of historical research it has used as methodology the exam and the interpretation of documentary and bibliographical sources, with priority for the party s documents then it was depicted a collective interpretation about the events considered more importants. The sites of Partido Comunista do Brasil (www.pcdob.org.br or vermelho.org.br) and of Partido Popular Socialista (www.pps.org.br) also went consulted
Resumo:
Through the nineteenth century, it was constant in the discourse of the local norte-rio-grandenses (Natal city, Brazil) administrators, the appeal for subsidy to the central government for the works of the port of Natal upgrade. The port in the capital, the main route of the Rio Grande do Norte communication, because of the limitations attached to it, as the dunes surrounding the city spreading sand in the riverbed, and several reefs located along the coast, did not allow the entry in his berth larger ships. These difficulties brought major problems the province, who could not hold the flow of production coming from the inside, resulting in the north of Rio Grande political scene, questioning the centrality of Christmas position in the province. Only Republican scheme had been approved credit by the federal government for the improvement works of the port. The port became the Republican political discourse Potiguar one of the main promises to bring "progress" the Potiguar land, being placed as a central issue of which depend on the "future" of the state. The objective of this study is to analyse the emergence of a new port concept in speeches and interventions of the local ruling groups in the early twentieth century. We analyse the emergence of a modern notion of port, marked by the organizing effort, rationalization and regulation of port activities by the state, and the new relationship assumed by the harbour front to the city resulting from this new perception. The port has become for local leaders to groups of capital "waiting room", requiring change of the composition of urban space for integrating the port to the city. The Port of Natal became endowed with a pedagogical function, incorporating the urban fabric, codes, values and practices considered by local managers as modern and civilized. This new city space, considered a "waiting room", caused conflicts between the local ruling groups and influential figures in the Potiguar political field, which sought to encourage with the process of organizing the harbour front undesirable regarded figures in the city views as an impediment to the image of progress and modernity that the dominant groups intended to expose the port.
Resumo:
The purpose of this paper is to analyze how Gustavo Barroso sought to discursively construct what would be the Brazilian spatiality through an Interpretation of national history marked by the Jewish conspiracy theory, a racist doctrine in various aspects dialogued with Nazi doctrine, and the thought the Catholic Restoration. Writing that built a given image of the nation. Writing and producing product that is the source of other discourses that operate on the world, appointing him, enveloping him in a load of meanings. Interpretations of time and space that discursively construct realities and ways of being in the world. For the development of this work we will focus mainly on the analysis of the literature of the period integralist Gustavo Barroso since the year 1933 until the year 1937, as well as undertake an analysis of the Cohen Plan, which we understood to be the heir of a grid of thought that falls in line with the theories of political and racial anti-Semitic plot. Thus, we assume that it is necessary to think of the space also in their political and cultural dimensions, and with an barrosiana significance of national space, expressed in the discursive field, the result of a given historical moment and engaged with certain power relations, which unfold through complex relationships, we understand that Barroso made the reading of the Brazilian nation would be its own representation.
Resumo:
The participation of women of more than 60 years of age in the social ritual of the creation of the Reserva de Desenvolvimento Sustentável Estadual ( Sustainable Development State Reserve ) at Ponta do Tubarão, in the state of Rio Grande do Norte, is the central object of this research. This work is an attempt to analyze the oral discourse of these women, to understand the historical participation in this ritual, pointing out the actions for dehistoricization that, in the Western world, take women out of the community scene making their roles less important or invisible as agents of social construction. The reflections that take place in this research, using as a starting point, the example of a traditional fishing community on the Brazilian coast, and denounce the mechanisms of male domination that try to silence their hábitus, such as: the discourse of power (that is responsible for the permanent division of sexual structures) and of the correspondent social and cultural division. The present research respects the oral discourse of the Elderly Women as a significant practice of community life in Diogo Lopes in Macau, Rio Grande do Norte. The creation of the community of RDSE in Ponta do Tubarão as an instrument for political and social management is also accepted here as a process conducted by various social actors that react to developmental threats that have interfered with and are still trying to interfere with the equilibrium of the regional ecosystem. The methodology used in the research is supported in the oral discourse of these women as social representations of a focus group, on which the method of the Análise do Discurso do Sujeito Coletivo (DSC) ( Collective Subject Discourse Analysis ) is applied
Resumo:
From the end of the 80s, the Brazilian higher education experience strong growth, coming from the private sector, which would intensify further in the late 90th Higher education has become a lucrative business. With a drop in the number of students entering and strong competition, the number of idle places in private institutions of higher education reached 49.5% in 2004. That same year, by Measure, was the University for All Program (PROUNI) program, to include high school students from public higher education, offering scholarships to those students in private HEIs. In exchange, the IES gain tax exemption. The objective of this research is to investigate the game of interest occurred in the formulation of this program and identify the model and the political game and has led to the creation of PROUNI, analyzing the process occurred since the wording of a bill, the issue of Measure Law and that the legitimacy PROUNI, with the most important changes made initial model. Since the first draft of the Law to the final Act, the PROUNI was disfigured in its main points, as the percentage of stock for paying students, the process of selection of stock and bond of the IES program. Throughout the process of creating the program, it is quite clear the performance of the institutions representing the private higher education. As reference for the analysis was based on Rational Choice Theory of Political Science. The basic argument of the methods based on rational choice is the maximization of the benefit will be the main motivation of individuals, but they can give that your goals can be achieved more effectively through institutional action and thereby discover that their conduct is shaped by institutions. Thus, individuals rationally choose to get to a certain extent constrained to join in certain institutions, whether voluntarily or not. The PROUNI was submitted by government and public policy covered by the mystical aura of the discourse of social justice and economic development, as in higher education includes a stratum of people who would not have access to the university, due to restrictions in the supply network public higher education. However, the greatest benefit from the program are the private HEIs, which through a difficult time in a scenario marked by high competition and idleness of nearly half of the vacancies offered. The PROUNI became a program that prioritizes access and not the residence of the student to higher education. More serious than a supporting program for students Fellows is a program supporting the institutions of private education
Resumo:
Droughts surfaced in 1877 as a crucial problem for the birthing Brazilian nation. Engineers, who formed the country's technical and scientific elite, took it upon themselves to study, understand and fight the problem through planned actions of intervention on space. This work, based on proposals and discussions contained in engineering magazines and reports, aims to provide elements for the comprehension of how these systematized actions against droughts, in the Iate nineteenth and early twentieth century, contributed to spatial analysis and the formation of a (then-inexistent) regional and territorial planning discipline in Brazi!. Engineers, by taking up the position of masterminds in the country's modernization, guaranteed for themselves personal economic stability, social prestige and political power. By understanding nature, either as a resource to be exploited or an adversary to national progress, they contributed to the delimitation of the region now known as the Northeast. By seeking to understand the drought phenomenon, they created knowledge about the space they sought to intervene on; by constructing their projects amid political and economical difficulty, they changed the organizational structures of cities and country in the northeast. The proposals for açudes (Iarge water reservoirs) allowed the fixation of population and the resistance against droughts; the roads - railroads and automotive roadways - connected the sertão to the capitais and the coast, speeding up help to the affected populations during droughts and allowing the circulation of goods so as to strengthen the local economies in normal rimes. The adopted practices and techniques, adapted from foreign experience and developed through trial and improvement, were consolidated as an eminently spatial intervention course, even if a theoretical body of regional or territorial planning wasn't formed in Brazil. Regional Planning proper was first applied in the country in the Northeast itself, in the 1950s, based off an economical view of reality in order to achieve development. The engineer's work prior tothat date, however, cannot be dlsconsldered. It was proved that, despite facing financial and political hurdles, engineers had a profound commitment to the problem and intended to act systematically to transform the economical and social relations in the region, in order to be victorious in their struggle against droughts
Resumo:
Objective: To evaluate the implementation of the Family Health Strategy (FHS) in Brazilian cities of the Northeast, expanding coverage, analyzing the progress, challenges and innovations. Methods: Multicentric Evaluation Research, Studies Baselines in urban centers, using as a case study method. Selected cases of Aracaju, being capital, advanced coverage with extended team, and Fortaleza, capital coverage incipient and minimal staff. In Fortaleza, purposive sample of 11 Units Primary (APS), 03 managers, 53 professionals and 109 users. In Aracaju, 09 units of APS, 02 managers, 36 professionals, and 90 users. Structured interviews for managers, and structured to professionals and users. Descriptive analysis focusing on the political and institutional dimensions, organization and comprehensive care. Results: There was consensus that the ESF is the preferred port users and acts as inducing changes in care. In the case of Fortaleza, the specificities were: care protocols and community activities aimed at chronic conditions (100%) , with greater participation of doctors and nurses (93%) ; conjunction with more complex services, but the teams reported difficulties with the examination center and experts, the long waits and poor access to local services were the main difficulties reported by users., As innovative practice, the therapeutic group of elderly caregivers mentioned by respondents; There was intersectoral initiatives and teams 87 % of users have participated in meetings about health problems. In the case of Aracaju, care protocols were directed to the lines of care and formulated locally, 85 % coverage of the population with FHS counterpart local financing; employees hired by public tender; 70 % of teams with expertise in public health center for continuing education acting; democratization in management; access technologies, welcoming and computerization in different integrated networks, and evaluation matrix. Conclusions: The ESF has promoted access to health care and inclusion of disadvantaged populations. Different perceptions and practices in the organization of care, with distinct trajectories of reorganization. In the case of Fortaleza, predominance of model programs valuing older, with evidence of advances in care practices and teamwork, but restricted to primary care practices and incipient in public policy perspective. In Aracaju, had network integration with technologies related to the family, in which the ESF is consolidated as public policy. It can be argued that the XII APS expanding coverage, exhibited efficacy, despite the challenges inherent to the different degrees of implementation
Resumo:
In the current systemic crisis, economic policy is directed to correct the consequences of the functioning of this metabolism, but within the limits of the capital. From this perspective, decision makers propose trade policies, agricultural and industrial to ensure conditions for economic growth. However, as a dead end, there is failure of the State in giving efficacy to the operation of all segments of the economy, especially given the budget constraint. Public managers are forced to seek external resources, resuming the cycle of political allegiance to the interests of international financial and banking representatives, installed in so-called multilateral. The complex ideological capital comes into play in trying to convince society that the paths taken by governments are inevitable, and that capitalism can be "humanized", even with the realization of the growing inequalities caused by historical irrationalism of the production process of capital . In this sense, emerging concepts that attempt to demonstrate the compatibility of the system to real human needs. This ideological offensive is intended to legitimize the capital. The so-called third sector has a special highlight with the concept of corporate social responsibility. It creates a political environment in which the inevitable mix-up with new illusions offered by and often funding the metabolism of capital in order to perpetuate this system. In this context, political elites, and considerable portions of the academy, embark on "waves of capitalist optimism," while the sociometabolismo capital expands its historical limits, driving forces postponing their collapse, but that cause human suffering and ecological stress. Wars are disseminated to strengthen the deadly war industry and the automobile industry; and devastating the environment of which depends the capital system. In this scenario disassemble, propositions emerge around a "new social pact" in order to minimize the adverse effects of the dynamics of reproduction of capital. The business class is called to exercise its role through the discourse that appeals to social responsibility programs, in order to intervene directly in the "social question". The core of this research is precisely this point. Although there is considerable scholarship on the phenomenon of Social Responsibility and Corporate Citizenship, there is also an evident lack of this approach focused on the banking sector in Brazil. The importance of rentier capital increased ownership of shares in the wealth produced by all of Brazilian society, justifies a sociological research project on Social Responsibility in the domestic financial sector. In this sense, it was decided to perform a dynamic approach to the "Corporate Citizenship" in the banking industry, specifically in the Bank of Brazil. As this is a key institution, is important analyze of the impacts of this strategy fetish of capitalist reproduction, in order to evaluate the social legitimization of rentier capital in Brazil. In this scenario of the abundance of the discourse on social responsibility there exist a progressive impoverishment of professional work in this segment in Brazil. There is a dramatic mismatch between rhetoric and practice because of the trend of deepening vulnerability of the working conditions of the Brazilian bank worker, from the 1990's. In the specific case of the Bank of Brazil, the first initiative of the institution was to conform to the principles of the UNO and the Ethos Institute, aiming to align their domestic policies to this new strategy of domination of capital. The purpose is to place the Bank in the ideological sphere of corporate social responsibility, just as with its partners in the private financial intercapitalist competition. Indeed, in the internal ambit of the Bank of Brazil, there is a policy to adjust its functional segments to the doctrine of Social Corporate Responsibility. The concepts of this doctrine is presented as something inexorable. There are no alternatives. The Bank of Brazil operates in a highly competitive market, the segment featuring the dominance of financial capital accumulation today. For this reason it can not fail to incorporate the technological advances organizational. For employees there is no alternative but to adapt to this new set of ideas proposed by the metabolism of capital
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior