Representações discursivas no discurso político. Não me fiz sigla e legenda por acaso : o discurso de renúncia do senador Antonio Carlos Magalhães (30/05/2001)

O objetivo deste trabalho é investigar como as representações discursivas do locutor e dos alocutários são construídas no discurso de renúncia ao mandato de senador, proferido por Antonio Carlos Magalhães (ACM), na 62ª sessão deliberativa ordinária, em 30/5/2001. A perspectiva teórica que adotamos situa-se no campo da Linguística do Texto, com foco na abordagem da Análise Textual dos Discursos ATD (Adam, 2011). A noção de representação discursiva apresentada pela ATD constitui um dos aspectos da dimensão semântica do texto e baseia-se parcialmente nos trabalhos de Grize sobre a esquematização (1990, 1996). Complementamos as categorias de análise com contribuições que nos permitem detalhar a expressão linguística, textual, e discursiva das representações discursivas (Neves, 2006; Castilho 2010; Rodrigues, Passeggi, Silva Neto, 2010; Rodrigues et al. 2012; Passeggi, 2012). O enfoque metodológico é qualitativo, descritivo e interpretativista (Minayo, 1994; Trivinõs; 1987; Gil, 2002). Os procedimentos de análise utilizam as categorias semânticas de referenciação, predicação, modificação (de referentes e predicações), localização espacial e temporal, conexão e comparação. A representação discursiva do locutor (ACM) é constituída pelo conjunto de representações mais específicas, expressas nas referenciações e nas suas modificações: vítima; político; sigla; baiano, nordestino; presidente do senado; senador confiante; condenado. ACM, como protagonista, assume sempre a sua voz no discurso, manifesta seus pontos de vista e posiciona-se como sujeito ativo, consciente da importância do seu papel político e social, que o torna alvo e vítima das ações dos adversários. Complementando essa referenciação, as predicações e suas modificações se expressam através de verbos de ação, em especial, verbos na 1ª pessoa do singular que marcam o tempo presente, real e conclusivo de ações que constroem um cenário positivo para si mesmo. A localização temporal e espacial, indica as ações realizadas pelos participantes nas diversas etapas temporais selecionadas pelo texto, articuladas a três espaços principais: o Senado Federal, o Brasil e, naturalmente, a Bahia. Por sua vez, conectores adversativos (sobretudo, mas ), explicativos e condicionais acompanham e estruturam o ritmo argumentativo do discurso de renúncia de ACM

Análise textual das representações discursivas no discurso político brasileiro: o discurso da primeira posse da presidenta Dilma Rousseff (1°/01/2011)

Cette recherche décrit la représentation discursive que la présidente Dilma Rousseff fait de soi-même, dans son discours devant le Congrès National, lors de la journée d’investiture, le 1/1/2011. Notre travail se situe dans le domaine théorique et méthodologique de la linguistique du texte et, plus spécialement, dans la perspective de l’Analyse Textuelle des Discours – ATD (ADAM, 2011 [2008a]), qui se définit comme « une théorie de la production co(n)textuelle de sens qui doit se fonder sur l’analyse de textes concrets ». Elle nous fournit la notion théorique et analytique de « représentation discursive », qui se focalise sur la dimension sémantique du texte. Nous nous appuyons, aussi, sur des travaux récents sur les représentations discursives, réalisés dans la recherche brésilienne sur l’ATD (RODRIGUES, PASSEGGI, SILVA NETO, 2010, 2012; RAMOS, 2011; OLIVEIRA, 2013; QUEIROZ, 2013; ZAMBLANO-OLIVEIRA, PASSEGGI, 2013). Les principales opérations sémantiques de construction de la représentation discursive utilisées dans notre travail sont la Référenciation et la Prédication. L’approche méthodologique est, en même temps, qualitative et quantitative, priorisant l’identification des occurrences, ainsi que la description détaillée de leurs valeurs sémantiques et textuelles. Les résultats de la recherche sont de trois ordres : méthodologique, théorique et descriptif-interprétatif. Méthodologique : nous proposons une approche que nous désignons comme « marquage textuel » (ou « mappage textuel ») qui permet de marquer (étiqueter) les valeurs sémantiques des formes linguistiques, permettant leur identification dans le flux textuel, c.-à-d., dans la dimension séquentiellecompositionnelle du texte. Théorique : nous introduisons la notion de « domaines de la représentation discursive » qui organisent et articulent les différents éléments qui composent la représentation discursive de la présidente. Quant aux résultats descriptifsinterprétatifs du discours de l’investiture, ils indiquent que la représentation discursive de la présidente se configure au moyen de différents domaines conceptuels, explicités par les référenciations et les prédications. Ils mettent en relief les désignations et les actions / états, aussi bien de la femme – domaine du genre – que de la présidente – domaine du rôle politique et institutionnel. La présidente se représente explicitement et avec emphase comme l’agent responsable par les actions exprimées par les prédications verbales (verbes d’action), consciente de l’importance de son rôle politique et social. Les prédications nominales signalent clairement une représentation discursive qui englobe les domaines conceptuels politique, moral, éthique, comportemental et émotionnel (forte, accueillante, pionnière, consolidatrice, infatigable, humble, engagée, démocrate, victorieuse et courageuse). Le discours d’investiture réalise, donc, des désignations positives de la présidente, lesquelles se situent dans un temps présent et prospectif – avec des perspectives de futur – comme leader politique du Brésil, avec une participation active dans la transformation du pays, tenant compte aussi de son histoire de vie, sa biographie de luttes. Ainsi, la description empirique et l’interprétation de ce discours particulier contribue à l’analyse textuelle des représentations discursives dans le discours politique brésilien contemporain. Elle soulève, aussi, des questions théoriques et méthodologiques qui nous semblent pertinentes pour le développement de cette aproche.

A dimensão ética do cinema de Walter Salles: hospitalidade, religação e perdão

Soulignant l´importance des transformations du discours politique du cinéma brésilien actuel, cet étude entreprend une analyse de la dimension éthique du cinéma de Walter Salles. Pour cela, nous avons parti de trois films long-métrages du directeur: Terra Estrangeira, Central do Brasil et Abril Despedaçado. Les films sélectionnés constituent les trois diférents chapitres de cette mémoire de maîtrise, qui s´articulent a des diférentes dimensions de l´éthique - l´hospitalité, la réliaison, et le pardon- et se présentent em format essayistique. Au texte, ces dimensions éthiques émergent à partir des récits, surtout des expériences existencielles des protagonistes et de ses singulières rencontres avec l´altérité. Comme tel, dialoguent avec des réflétions d´auteurs comme Edgar Morin, Zigmunt Bauman, Julia Kristeva, Paul Ricoeur et Hannah Arendt. Des diférents régistres de la connaissance -artistique, scientifique, religieuse- s´articulent donc dans le travail, et dialoguent en condition d´égalité. La recherche fait usage de matériels multiples qui incluent, au-delà des films mentionnés, et de ses respectifs scripts, des références à d´autres long-métrages et documentaires du directeur, ainsi que, des makingoffs, entretiens, et interprétations de commentaristes comme Lucia Nagib, Luiz Zanin Oricchio, Ivana Bentes, Pedro Butcher e Jurandir Freire Costa

ELOY DE SOUZA: UMA INTERPRETAÇÃO SOBRE O NORDESTE E OS DILEMAS DAS SECAS

The thought of Eloy de Souza is studied (1873-1959), that left a significant intellectual production in the journalistic, cultural and politicial scope on the Northeast and the dilemmas of the droughts. Through the method of content analysis, his journalistic and literary speech is investigated, looking at to understand the elaboration and/ or reiteration of categories, of representations and of values; it is verified how was conceived the constitution of the political thought and which is it´s principal slopes; the parliamentary speech, present in his interventions is analyzed in plenary session, participation in commissions and in his projects, particularly in the thematic area of the droughts. It is verified that his work is built in a political and ideological perspective inserting the bourgeoisie landowner's interests and Northeastern commercial and of it´s political strata, inside the historical block of agro-industry power that has as irradiation focus the area of the coffee represented politically by the oligarchies person from São Paulo and Minas Gerais. In that sense, two crucial categories emerge: the droughts and the country, as the Northeastern and Brazilian man's synthesis, with their resistance capacity and adaptation, and their creative effort in an adverse enviroment, that Eloy de Souza started to insert in his political speech. However, the vision that he passes of the "country suffer", expresses a certain idealization of a lifestyle that corresponds to a traditional dominance, that he want´s to be reproduced. Although it looked for the solution for the drought through the modernization of the economy by the adoption of advanced methods as the irrigation, his concern went back to the conservation of the economical and cultural political hegemony of that elite. Thus, his inquietude with the process of integration of the subordinate sections, justifies his consensual speech, harmonic as organic intellectual of the agrarian-commercial bourgeoisie of the Brazilian Northeast

Do ancoradouro à sala de espera: as obras de melhoramento do porto e a construção de uma Natal moderna (1893-1913)

Through the nineteenth century, it was constant in the discourse of the local norte-rio-grandenses (Natal city, Brazil) administrators, the appeal for subsidy to the central government for the works of the port of Natal upgrade. The port in the capital, the main route of the Rio Grande do Norte communication, because of the limitations attached to it, as the dunes surrounding the city spreading sand in the riverbed, and several reefs located along the coast, did not allow the entry in his berth larger ships. These difficulties brought major problems the province, who could not hold the flow of production coming from the inside, resulting in the north of Rio Grande political scene, questioning the centrality of Christmas position in the province. Only Republican scheme had been approved credit by the federal government for the improvement works of the port. The port became the Republican political discourse Potiguar one of the main promises to bring "progress" the Potiguar land, being placed as a central issue of which depend on the "future" of the state. The objective of this study is to analyse the emergence of a new port concept in speeches and interventions of the local ruling groups in the early twentieth century. We analyse the emergence of a modern notion of port, marked by the organizing effort, rationalization and regulation of port activities by the state, and the new relationship assumed by the harbour front to the city resulting from this new perception. The port has become for local leaders to groups of capital "waiting room", requiring change of the composition of urban space for integrating the port to the city. The Port of Natal became endowed with a pedagogical function, incorporating the urban fabric, codes, values and practices considered by local managers as modern and civilized. This new city space, considered a "waiting room", caused conflicts between the local ruling groups and influential figures in the Potiguar political field, which sought to encourage with the process of organizing the harbour front undesirable regarded figures in the city views as an impediment to the image of progress and modernity that the dominant groups intended to expose the port.

O canto das senhoras :Análise do discurso do sujeito coletivo (DSC) de velhas mulheres da Ponta do Tubarão, no Rio Grande do Norte

The participation of women of more than 60 years of age in the social ritual of the creation of the Reserva de Desenvolvimento Sustentável Estadual ( Sustainable Development State Reserve ) at Ponta do Tubarão, in the state of Rio Grande do Norte, is the central object of this research. This work is an attempt to analyze the oral discourse of these women, to understand the historical participation in this ritual, pointing out the actions for dehistoricization that, in the Western world, take women out of the community scene making their roles less important or invisible as agents of social construction. The reflections that take place in this research, using as a starting point, the example of a traditional fishing community on the Brazilian coast, and denounce the mechanisms of male domination that try to silence their hábitus, such as: the discourse of power (that is responsible for the permanent division of sexual structures) and of the correspondent social and cultural division. The present research respects the oral discourse of the Elderly Women as a significant practice of community life in Diogo Lopes in Macau, Rio Grande do Norte. The creation of the community of RDSE in Ponta do Tubarão as an instrument for political and social management is also accepted here as a process conducted by various social actors that react to developmental threats that have interfered with and are still trying to interfere with the equilibrium of the regional ecosystem. The methodology used in the research is supported in the oral discourse of these women as social representations of a focus group, on which the method of the Análise do Discurso do Sujeito Coletivo (DSC) ( Collective Subject Discourse Analysis ) is applied

A construção de um estilo de vida: família e relações de gênero na participação do projeto ético-político renovado

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior

O jogo das identidades como fator de mobilização político-eleitoral nas campanhas de Dilma Rousseff e Rosalba Ciarlini em 2010

Starting from the premise that we live in the society of spectacle, as proclaimed by Guy Debbord, and, in this context, the media feeds itself off of this spectacularization and constructs a culture of images and production of goods, providing templates from which the subject can identify himself/herself as being male or female, successful or unsuccessful, powerful or powerless. In other words, the culture conveyed by the media produces material for the creation of identities through which individuals insert and recognize themselves in contemporary society. Observing the election campaigns, we can see clearly that this profusion of identities is fairly explored in the advertising propaganda used by the candidates, particularly in the propaganda broadcasted on the Free Electoral Time on TV. Instigated by the explicit relation between the media and politics within the society of the spectacle, this study aims to investigate the main identities that emerge in the discursive practices of the media in the election campaigns of 2010 for president of the Republic and governor of the State of Rio Grande do Norte that had as protagonists the candidates at that moment Dilma Rousseff (PT) for president and Rosalba Ciarline (DEM) for governor. To do so, we based ourselves on the theory of Bakhtin Circle, which considers the statement as a unit of verbal communication and conceives language as a dialogical phenomena and a discursive practice and also in the conceptions of dialogical relationships, social voices and chronotope formulated by the previous mentioned theory. Still in the theoretical field, we have established an interconnection with the theories coming from the Cultural Studies (Hall, Woodward) about the identity, which conceives it as multiple, fragmented, non-fixed, so that, the subject assumes different identities, not always coherent, at different times, depending on the context in which they are approached. The research is situated in the frames of Applied Linguistics, which considers language as the center of its studies and settles on the border of an open number of areas of knowledge expanding its possibilities of investigation by means of the interdisciplinary. Our corpus consists in 20 electoral propaganda videos aired on TV during the Free Election Time in 2010 campaign; among these, 14 videos are Dilma Rousseff s propaganda and 06 videos are Rosalba Ciarline s propaganda. We seek for the purpose of the analysis to identify the identities which emerge from the discourses about the candidates in propaganda videos broadcasted in the referred campaign, as well as realize the dialogical relations established in these discourses and even if the identity construction of these subjects is located in the same axiological axis. The corpus analysis revealed that the multiple cultural identities of the candidates campaigning emerge in the discourses circulating in the electoral propaganda aired on TV such as: the identities of pioneer woman, competent, sensitive, mother, grandmother, religious. And, yet, those are changeable as the electoral demands, in other words, the need to obtain support and votes, outline a fluid identity construction about the candidate to the position in question

Hannah Arendt e a crise na educação como crise político-filosófica da modernidade

Este estudo busca esclarecer e discutir a reflexão de Hannah Arendt sobre a crise na educação no mundo contemporâneo enquanto crise político-filosófica da modernidade. Trata-se de explicitar de que forma o significado da educação está atrelado às condições de instituição, compartilhamento e conservação do mundo comum e humano. Com o intuito de reconstruir as análises da autora sobre os reflexos da crise político-filosófica da modernidade na esfera prépolítica da educação, esta pesquisa investiga de que modo o fim da tradição metafísica, o esfacelamento da autoridade, o obscurecimento da esfera pública e a moderna alienação do mundo promoveram uma profunda degradação das capacidades humanas de construir, conservar e compartilhar pela ação e pelo discurso um mundo que possa sobreviver e permanecer um lugar não mortal para seres que nascem e morrem. Palavras-chave: Hannah Arendt; Educação; Crise; Modernidade; Autoridade; Espaço Público.

Projeto político de formação do enfermeiro: contextos, textos, (re)construções

This research analyses politic Project for nursing education, in its articulation with economical, political and social context of 1970s and 1980s in national level and, in special, nurse formation process in FAEN/UERN space, situating it on the context of Brazilian sanitary reformation movement and participation movement. The thesis is firmed on the sense of explaining whether that movement circa the nurse formation process has been able to build necessary instruments for the transformation of biomedical formation model historically consolidated, in the perspective of conceiving another model anchored on social determination of health/illness process, with the purpose of assuring ethical and political commitment with the SUS praised by sanitary reformation. The study visualized the object considering its specificity, its concrete historical determinations and institutional as well as organizational relationships that permeate possibilities of valorizing it, analyzing it, interpreting it and rebuilding it. Its operationalization occurred in three movements, it means, bibliographical review; documents study; interviews and focal groups realized with professors of the institution. We can apprehend as main results that the nurse formation process has incorporated widely spread conceptions by the sanitary reformation movement and participation movement, assuming the commitment with transformation of health services and social reality. Nevertheless it prevails, still, amongst some professors in the same institutional space, the commitment to a predominantly technicist formation, focused on instrumental knowledge. Opinion divergence explicit diversity of conceptions circa education and, as consequence, distinct political commitments, also contradictory to formation. Thus, there is a lacuna between what is foreseen on political pedagogical project and what is rendered in FAEN/UERN, evidencing the clash related to conceptual bases of formation project. Interpretations, divergent political attitudes and resistances to the process allowed several formation ways. However, formation under new conceptual bases, find limits on the context of social politics implemented in Brazil during the 1990s, neoliberal-based, expressed on expansion and consolidation of health private system, managed by market rules, strengthening biomedical formation model. Notwithstanding, there is a favorable to its implementation, starting from the first years of 21st century, moment when Brazilian sanitary reformation reappear on health speech, as well as facing the policy of permanent education in health. This reality explicit a process of dialectical tension between instituted and institutor, anticipating the moment of scission or adaptation and return to what is already known. Despite of clashed, knowledge, accumulated experience, contribution to services, the construction of partnerships out of university space and articulation with national movement of (re)orientation of nurse formation, have been constituted as vital instruments to offer support to formation in FAEN/UERN. Still, we consider necessary the (re)visitation to FAEN/UERN politic pedagogical Project considering the existing and implemented construction, without, yet, depreciate the norther axis of the project at the reaching of its intentionality

Gustavo Barroso, o führer brasileiro: nação e identidade no discurso integralista barrosiano de 1933-1937

The purpose of this paper is to analyze how Gustavo Barroso sought to discursively construct what would be the Brazilian spatiality through an Interpretation of national history marked by the Jewish conspiracy theory, a racist doctrine in various aspects dialogued with Nazi doctrine, and the thought the Catholic Restoration. Writing that built a given image of the nation. Writing and producing product that is the source of other discourses that operate on the world, appointing him, enveloping him in a load of meanings. Interpretations of time and space that discursively construct realities and ways of being in the world. For the development of this work we will focus mainly on the analysis of the literature of the period integralist Gustavo Barroso since the year 1933 until the year 1937, as well as undertake an analysis of the Cohen Plan, which we understood to be the heir of a grid of thought that falls in line with the theories of political and racial anti-Semitic plot. Thus, we assume that it is necessary to think of the space also in their political and cultural dimensions, and with an barrosiana significance of national space, expressed in the discursive field, the result of a given historical moment and engaged with certain power relations, which unfold through complex relationships, we understand that Barroso made the reading of the Brazilian nation would be its own representation.