5 resultados para Debate público

em Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte(UFRN)


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This study makes an analysis of the work of nurse of the, uncovering the meaning of work and of precarious work for the nurse. aims to analyze the forms of precariousness of work of the nurse of Family Health Strategy the municipality of Pau dos Ferros-RN, Brazil. This is a qualitative study with analysis of the categories that emerged from search through dialog with the authors studied in theoretical framework of the sense of human work, the world of work actual and the precariousness of work in health. Used if the methodology of thematic oral history and semi-structured interview as an instrument for data collection and information. Participated 07 nurses of. There was predominance of females, with civil state married, with age between 29 and 47 years, inserted as nurses in Family Health Strategy 1 to 9 years. All referred satisfaction with work. Emerged 02 main meanings of work, whichever the design of work as a source of human and practical transforming of reality, with the sense of perform an action by the individual facilitator and suffers change. Include the precarious work not only as the absence of links labor and social protection, unlike the thought of the Ministry of Health, similar to the design of the study, the precariousness understood yet as the absence of participation of workers in the spaces work management and running of the work and the absence of structural conditions and infra-structural where the work process takes place. evidenced the totality of nurses inserted in Family Health Strategy by public tender. Refer have labor rights guaranteed. Don´t include under which legal arrangements are governed. The researched reality does not have a policy desprecarização nursing work of Family Health Strategy. Concluded the municipality presents progress and setbacks for the precariousness of work of the nurse of Family Health Strategy. The collective work in health is a challenge in researched reality and the policy of desprecarização of the work of the management of education and work was not evidenced. Despite the implementation of the public tender these professionals have a degree of precariousness of work, with the accumulation gradient of responsibilities, some lack of working conditions in structural aspects, infra-structural and means and instruments

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This work discuss about the transformation of public space, based on the recent challenges imposed by communication practices that are renewed and recopying of the sociocultural contexts of everyday life. The study presents theoretical and empirical reports of regional political blogs. In this issue, it looks for understand the political participation in the Internet space, examining the reconfigurations that accompany social relations and new forms of interaction that are merged in the media scene. The ambience of the study limits comments of readers in two political blogs in Rio Grande do Norte, Território Livre, and Thaisa Galvão. The observation concerns about the democratic participation of citizens in matters of collective interest, during the 2010 election. The analysis update the debate on democratic discussion and conversation everyday, trying to grasp changes in social practices in virtual platforms. From this perspective, the work restores some conceptual notions that involve the public places, identifying the changes that appear in the virtual and traditional spheres, with the emergence of new places of conversations, from the Internet usage. Are also compared to similarities and differences between the two elements of the analysis. It is possible, therefore, the communication process of the two discursive spaces with ideas from the public sphere, trying to analyze the duality between public, private, and political participation in these virtual places

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The problem of solid waste that involves the management, the management and the allocation of these is an issue that permeates all spheres of society, which denotes environmental implications that contribute to the discussion of the environmental crisis in progress. From this perspective, this study aims to investigate and understand the role that consortia, especially the Regional Public Waste Consortium Solid Seridó/RN have waste management, in order to observe their strengths and weaknesses in order to conclude whether they are an appropriate solution to the problem of solid waste. In studying a region that is undergoing a process of institutional organization guided in the solid waste, the focus turned into an interesting academic research point. Since this is a qualitative research, readings were taken of relevant authors to the object and the following legal frameworks, namely: the National Basic Sanitation Policy (Law nº 11.445/2007), the National Policy on Solid Waste (Law nº 12.305/2010 ) and the Law on Public Consortia (Law nº 11.107/2005). The consortium region has about 290.000 inhabitants, generated 40.000 tons of waste a year. As for the final disposal of waste, all municipalities in the region deposit their waste in the open, or in garbage dumps. In the analysis of the Consortium Seridó, a list of issues that are hindering their implementation has been identified. The demands come mainly from the political sphere, but also financial, technical and logistical. It is expected that with the realization of the Consortium by building its supporting structures (overfill Station and Landfill), a new model of solid waste management is implemented.

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In this study, we present a political evaluation of how SENAC/RN perceives PRONATEC, emphasizing all ideological principles, aims and theories that this institution reproduces and reinforces while playing this professional qualification program. We intended to reveal ideological aspects that inspire SENAC’s perception of PRONATEC, pointing the actual interests hidden by those aspects. Our starting question is: What ideologies, objectives and theories that are explicitly or implicitly reinforced by Senac in implementing PRONATEC? In the research, we consider the hypothesis that transferring the responsibility about PRONATEC from public to private institutions is something that impoverishes the professional formation process, once the program ends up subordinated to private institution’s ideological, political and economic interests. The methodological approach chosen was the single case study. As data source, we used broad literature survey, official files of PRONATEC and SENAC, official information about the program and personal interviews. At the end of the research, we present elements that show some “flexibility” on PRONATEC due to SENAC’s interests, offering a superficial professional formation, commonly dissociated from a propaedeutic education, focusing on the need of adaptation e consensus of works around a society project. In this regard, despite PRONATEC is payed by public resources, it’s been used by SENAC as a fortifier of this institution on professional education market, in an hegemonic and neoliberal construction of a model of society.

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In this study, we present a political evaluation of how SENAC/RN perceives PRONATEC, emphasizing all ideological principles, aims and theories that this institution reproduces and reinforces while playing this professional qualification program. We intended to reveal ideological aspects that inspire SENAC’s perception of PRONATEC, pointing the actual interests hidden by those aspects. Our starting question is: What ideologies, objectives and theories that are explicitly or implicitly reinforced by Senac in implementing PRONATEC? In the research, we consider the hypothesis that transferring the responsibility about PRONATEC from public to private institutions is something that impoverishes the professional formation process, once the program ends up subordinated to private institution’s ideological, political and economic interests. The methodological approach chosen was the single case study. As data source, we used broad literature survey, official files of PRONATEC and SENAC, official information about the program and personal interviews. At the end of the research, we present elements that show some “flexibility” on PRONATEC due to SENAC’s interests, offering a superficial professional formation, commonly dissociated from a propaedeutic education, focusing on the need of adaptation e consensus of works around a society project. In this regard, despite PRONATEC is payed by public resources, it’s been used by SENAC as a fortifier of this institution on professional education market, in an hegemonic and neoliberal construction of a model of society.