Práticas clientelistas e dádivas como estratégias de hegemonia política: uma análise sobre o campo da saúde em Mossoró-RN

The reality experienced by many families and individuals who seek and require the services of the Unified Health System - SUS, the relationships between users, health professionals, and political representatives, establishes the core of the issue that guides the choice and interest of this study concerning the prominence of clientelist practices and gifts that permeate the health field. The research is based on the analysis and reflection of the intrinsic relationship between the health and political fields. It analyses the health field and its relationship with the dynamics and developments of the local political scenario relating it to the implementation of the Family Health Program and Community Health Agents Program (PACS/PSF health programs) in the city of Mossoró, State of Rio Grande do Norte which refers to the period 1991-2010; and falls into a methodological perspective of qualitative approach. The methodological tools and techniques used were based on semi-structured interviews, direct observation of the field, journalistic texts and documentary sources. The construction and questioning of the object of the research were based on theoretical contributions from authors discussing the social field and symbolic power: Bourdieu (2005); clientelist relationships and gifts from asymmetric exchanges: Rouland (1997), Lanna (1995), Martins (1999), Carvalho (1999), Diniz (1982); exercise of hegemony and political strategy from authors who analyse this subject: Gramsci (1995), Coutinho (1981), and Gruppi (1978). Furthermore, the research has established dialogues with authors who address the dynamics of Brazilian politics such as Baquero (2001) and Weffort (1993). The collected data were subjected to qualitative content analysis. The results showed that with the implementation of the PACS/PSF programs in the aforementioned city, the health field has established itself as a key scenario for the exercise of political hegemony of the factions that dominate this socio-political context, resizing clientelist practices, however, without modifying the power structures within this social scenario

Constituição, consolidação e ocaso do capital político: uma compreensão sociológica da "Era Tasso" no Ceará

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior

Mulheres na Política e Autonomia

The proposal of this study was to work with women in the politics, focusing on their trajectories, biographies and speeches, to catch the meanings given by themselves to their insertion in the political field. The privileged instrument of research was the autobiographical narratives of fifteen women who, in Paraíba, had participated of the electoral processes and the life partisan politics in the period from 1998 to 2008, in the state and federal scopes. This permitted us to search the dimension of their lived expericence, to understand the trajectories and the processes of autonomation of the women, in the politics. Moreover, a quantitative mapping of the feminine presence in the processes was made electoral politicians in a wider context. In a similar way, two surveys had been carried throughout the research, among others aspects, to understand that image voters and politicians they construct concerning the feminine participation in this field. These instruments were important not to lose of all the social view where these lives were developed, the places from which these women speak and locate and the social meanings originated from this participation. The research aimed to establish dialogues between knowing and fields of discipline, beyond the dichotomy of actor/structure, preventing generalizations that ignore the plurality of the individuals, to reveal some aspects of the complex and contradictory processes that involve their participation in the political field. At last, it is tried to show that, although the frequent accusations of autonomy lack, when establishing relations in the public space, the women, as all subjects, can reflect about themselves, the motives of their thoughts and their actions escaping from the servitude of the repetition and avoid being only product of the institution that formed them (CASTORIADIS, 1992, p.140-141)

Os embates entre ciência e política na experiência parlamentar de Josué de Castro

This study want to know how Josué de Castro, the two terms of a congressman, participated in the Brazilian political-ideological debate of the 1950s. For this, search the 61 speeches in the plenary of the House of Representatives and its 14 projects, analyzing them as historical documents that describe an experience, which enables the central category amalgamated the subject and his time, which breaks up the possibilities of new social practices. Unity of action and reflection, the experience of Castro in the Brazilian parliament has got on the basis of a previous flow experiences in the political-institutional and scientific. Together with the personal history, the political intellectual scenario of his time was another variable considered in the first chapter of this work. In the second chapter did an analysis of 32 speeches and projects of the first term of Josué de Castro, grouping them by thematic affinities. The 43 for the second term were discussed in the third chapter, leaving the final considerations answer the research objectives: What are the main interlocutors? What are your political positions? What are the points of rupture and continuity in his political career? Josué de Castro spoke to the Brazilian state directly to the president, some ministers and to the SUDENE, the ONU appears indirectly through the reports of his participations. His political position was a national-developmentalist who embraced the cause of self-determination of the countries, anti-imperialism, agrarian reform and regional planning, strongly inspired by Celso Furtado and San Tiago Dantas. Castro often has blended a liberal and Marxist terminology, relying on different ideologies to do support his fight against hunger

Antropologia das mediações: um estudo sobre trocas, tensões e hierarquias em Coqueiros, Vale do Ceará Mirim

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior

A argamassa da casa e do conflito: os usos políticos da construção da cidade da esperança feitos pelo grupo aluizista (1964-1966)

Nous nous proposons à analyser les usages politiques que le groupe lié au gouvernement Aluízio Alves a fait d’un complexe d’habitation s’appelé Cidade da Esperança, qui a été construit en Natal dans les années 1960. Ce nouvel espace a été utilisé pour solutionner la crise d’habitation dans la capital, dont le número de personne augmentait fortement. Cette élévation, néanmoins, n’a été pas accompagné pari passu pour l’expansion de l’offre des maisons pour le marché et ce pénurie se transformer dans un problème social e politique. La Cidade da Esperança, alors, a été une réponse de l’État à la population et entre ces dynamiques, le groupe du gouvernement Aluízio Alves a su explorer la question parce qu’il a utilisé l’espace pour négocier avec differents agentes sociaux et il aussi a réussi élire Agnelo Alves, le diretor de la construction, à maire de Natal. Par la construction de cette analyse nous utilisons le journal gouvernamental Tribuna do Norte et le journal catholique A Ordem. Ils ont représenté dans ces pages les problèmes de pénurie des maisons et aussi les appropriations de la Cidade da Esperança. Pour ça nous pouvons reconstruire ces processus historiques. Pour les journaux est possible connaître du quotidien des travaux, les actions des sujets réponsable et les tensions politiques du groupe aluizista avec l’autre lié à Dinarte Mariz. Ainsi, ils possibilites l’étude de l’utilisation de la Cidade da Esperança dans l’intérieur d’une réseau des tensions et l’examen de la recherche pour legitimité dans un champ politique très poralisé.

Do ancoradouro à sala de espera: as obras de melhoramento do porto e a construção de uma Natal moderna (1893-1913)

Through the nineteenth century, it was constant in the discourse of the local norte-rio-grandenses (Natal city, Brazil) administrators, the appeal for subsidy to the central government for the works of the port of Natal upgrade. The port in the capital, the main route of the Rio Grande do Norte communication, because of the limitations attached to it, as the dunes surrounding the city spreading sand in the riverbed, and several reefs located along the coast, did not allow the entry in his berth larger ships. These difficulties brought major problems the province, who could not hold the flow of production coming from the inside, resulting in the north of Rio Grande political scene, questioning the centrality of Christmas position in the province. Only Republican scheme had been approved credit by the federal government for the improvement works of the port. The port became the Republican political discourse Potiguar one of the main promises to bring "progress" the Potiguar land, being placed as a central issue of which depend on the "future" of the state. The objective of this study is to analyse the emergence of a new port concept in speeches and interventions of the local ruling groups in the early twentieth century. We analyse the emergence of a modern notion of port, marked by the organizing effort, rationalization and regulation of port activities by the state, and the new relationship assumed by the harbour front to the city resulting from this new perception. The port has become for local leaders to groups of capital "waiting room", requiring change of the composition of urban space for integrating the port to the city. The Port of Natal became endowed with a pedagogical function, incorporating the urban fabric, codes, values and practices considered by local managers as modern and civilized. This new city space, considered a "waiting room", caused conflicts between the local ruling groups and influential figures in the Potiguar political field, which sought to encourage with the process of organizing the harbour front undesirable regarded figures in the city views as an impediment to the image of progress and modernity that the dominant groups intended to expose the port.

A construção de um estilo de vida: família e relações de gênero na participação do projeto ético-político renovado

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior

Avaliação do programa escola ativa como política pública para escolas do campo com turmas multisseriadas: a experiência em jardim do seridó/rn (1998-2009)

This work aims at developing an evaluation of the implementation of the Program Escola Ativa as a public policy for rural schools with combined grade classrooms in Jardim do Seridó RN (1998 2009) focusing on the following dimensions: school s physical environment, training, follow up, and didactic usage of the methodology. In order to develop this research we refer to the literature that analyzes the cycle of policies (FREY, 2000). In this approach, evaluation represents an important step in the process of analyzing the implementation of public policies, as a way of measuring up their performance, as well as a guide for realignments and redefinitions (PRESSMAN; WILDAVSKY, 1998). In order to accomplish this function, the evaluator of policies must be acquainted with scientific concepts and methods that consist of describing, interpreting and analyzing the policies in the governmental sphere (MENY; THOENIG, 1992; LIMA JÚNIOR, 1978). In this perspective, we intend to investigate whether in its proposition of minimizing the blanks in the Brazilian educational system, the implementation of the Program would be contributing to the improvement of the political-pedagogical practices in the rural schools with combined grade classrooms in Jardim do Seridó RN. In order to do this research, we have developed a theoretical-methodological matrix made of analysis dimensions, variables, indicators and instruments, such as literary revision, documental analysis, semi-structured interviews with four teachers and three supervisors that work and/or have worked in Escola Ativa in that town in the period comprised among 1998 2009, besides notes taken from field observation and photographs from four rural schools with combined grade classrooms. With this research we have identified that the Program, at a national level, has gone through different phases in its implementation process, for the town was not ready to fully take the responsibilities of the autonomous expansion, in 2002. From that period on, the execution of Escola Ativa has suffered several discontinuities, such as the lack of professional training and supervising. It is also noted that the methodology contributes to the dynamization of the didactic-pedagogical activities and promotes the cooperation and autonomy of the students in the organization and the applicability of the components of the curriculum, especially of Governo Estudantil and Cantinhos de Aprendizagem. Although the directions of the Program (BRASIL, 2005) point out that Escola Ativa has among its principles social transformation, we identified that, isolated, the initiative is not capable of promoting the changes that the rural schools need, namely investments in the physical, material, pedagogical and technological infra-structure, besides the estimation and a career plan for the teachers. In a general draft of the results of this research, we realized that some aspects presented about the peculiarities of Escola Ativa in Jardim do Seridó as a governmental Program, reinforce the need for the public policies to be evaluated, in order to confront critic and operationally the planning with the practice, revising action, whenever necessary

As ações político-pedagógicas do Serviço de Assistência Rural-SAR

This program resumes the history of the political-pedagogic actions on the Serviço de Assistência Rural SAR, of Natal archdiocese, and analyses the contributions of this actions on the process of rural workers organization in the social movements on the countryside. The educative actions of the RAS are happening in a permanent tension between the pedagogic project of a church in change and, a pedagogy of the groups, communities and social movements, that is centered in the cultural action, in the culture lived from its condition of citizens. This research reveals that this entity fulfilled a strategic attribution for the Natal s church on the formation of the community leaderships, at a first moment and leaderships for social movements. Before the military dictatorship, the work methodology of this entity had as priority, begin from the reality leaved by the rural workers in the expectation that these became to qualify themselves for a more citizen participation in the call development. During the military regime, the entity goes measuring theirs activities in the new context, until the moment that redefines the work line. Goes then defining regions and thematic of operation supporting the fights for land, salary campaigns, women agricultural workers organizations. The pedagogy of work has as one of its supporters the Paulo Freire s pedagogy, privileging the dialog as a source of production of knowledge from the reality leaved in a permanent transformation. The actions of this entity, with the groups and social movements, produces the necessary knowledge for the organization of the rural workers while individual and social subjects of a changing world. The process of action-reflection of the activities intended, by a creative form, a permanent production of strategies of fight of the workers. Research ever, not to make accommodate itself to the new knowledge acquired in the action-reflection it is part of the pedagogical idea of this Institution. One searched in this process of formation of the man and the woman to question the reality, to create actionreflection-action spaces on the fights for a possible transition of an ingenuous conscience for a critical conscience, in view of the transformation of the structures that oppresses them

Representações discursivas no discurso político. Não me fiz sigla e legenda por acaso : o discurso de renúncia do senador Antonio Carlos Magalhães (30/05/2001)

O objetivo deste trabalho é investigar como as representações discursivas do locutor e dos alocutários são construídas no discurso de renúncia ao mandato de senador, proferido por Antonio Carlos Magalhães (ACM), na 62ª sessão deliberativa ordinária, em 30/5/2001. A perspectiva teórica que adotamos situa-se no campo da Linguística do Texto, com foco na abordagem da Análise Textual dos Discursos ATD (Adam, 2011). A noção de representação discursiva apresentada pela ATD constitui um dos aspectos da dimensão semântica do texto e baseia-se parcialmente nos trabalhos de Grize sobre a esquematização (1990, 1996). Complementamos as categorias de análise com contribuições que nos permitem detalhar a expressão linguística, textual, e discursiva das representações discursivas (Neves, 2006; Castilho 2010; Rodrigues, Passeggi, Silva Neto, 2010; Rodrigues et al. 2012; Passeggi, 2012). O enfoque metodológico é qualitativo, descritivo e interpretativista (Minayo, 1994; Trivinõs; 1987; Gil, 2002). Os procedimentos de análise utilizam as categorias semânticas de referenciação, predicação, modificação (de referentes e predicações), localização espacial e temporal, conexão e comparação. A representação discursiva do locutor (ACM) é constituída pelo conjunto de representações mais específicas, expressas nas referenciações e nas suas modificações: vítima; político; sigla; baiano, nordestino; presidente do senado; senador confiante; condenado. ACM, como protagonista, assume sempre a sua voz no discurso, manifesta seus pontos de vista e posiciona-se como sujeito ativo, consciente da importância do seu papel político e social, que o torna alvo e vítima das ações dos adversários. Complementando essa referenciação, as predicações e suas modificações se expressam através de verbos de ação, em especial, verbos na 1ª pessoa do singular que marcam o tempo presente, real e conclusivo de ações que constroem um cenário positivo para si mesmo. A localização temporal e espacial, indica as ações realizadas pelos participantes nas diversas etapas temporais selecionadas pelo texto, articuladas a três espaços principais: o Senado Federal, o Brasil e, naturalmente, a Bahia. Por sua vez, conectores adversativos (sobretudo, mas ), explicativos e condicionais acompanham e estruturam o ritmo argumentativo do discurso de renúncia de ACM

O jogo das identidades como fator de mobilização político-eleitoral nas campanhas de Dilma Rousseff e Rosalba Ciarlini em 2010

Starting from the premise that we live in the society of spectacle, as proclaimed by Guy Debbord, and, in this context, the media feeds itself off of this spectacularization and constructs a culture of images and production of goods, providing templates from which the subject can identify himself/herself as being male or female, successful or unsuccessful, powerful or powerless. In other words, the culture conveyed by the media produces material for the creation of identities through which individuals insert and recognize themselves in contemporary society. Observing the election campaigns, we can see clearly that this profusion of identities is fairly explored in the advertising propaganda used by the candidates, particularly in the propaganda broadcasted on the Free Electoral Time on TV. Instigated by the explicit relation between the media and politics within the society of the spectacle, this study aims to investigate the main identities that emerge in the discursive practices of the media in the election campaigns of 2010 for president of the Republic and governor of the State of Rio Grande do Norte that had as protagonists the candidates at that moment Dilma Rousseff (PT) for president and Rosalba Ciarline (DEM) for governor. To do so, we based ourselves on the theory of Bakhtin Circle, which considers the statement as a unit of verbal communication and conceives language as a dialogical phenomena and a discursive practice and also in the conceptions of dialogical relationships, social voices and chronotope formulated by the previous mentioned theory. Still in the theoretical field, we have established an interconnection with the theories coming from the Cultural Studies (Hall, Woodward) about the identity, which conceives it as multiple, fragmented, non-fixed, so that, the subject assumes different identities, not always coherent, at different times, depending on the context in which they are approached. The research is situated in the frames of Applied Linguistics, which considers language as the center of its studies and settles on the border of an open number of areas of knowledge expanding its possibilities of investigation by means of the interdisciplinary. Our corpus consists in 20 electoral propaganda videos aired on TV during the Free Election Time in 2010 campaign; among these, 14 videos are Dilma Rousseff s propaganda and 06 videos are Rosalba Ciarline s propaganda. We seek for the purpose of the analysis to identify the identities which emerge from the discourses about the candidates in propaganda videos broadcasted in the referred campaign, as well as realize the dialogical relations established in these discourses and even if the identity construction of these subjects is located in the same axiological axis. The corpus analysis revealed that the multiple cultural identities of the candidates campaigning emerge in the discourses circulating in the electoral propaganda aired on TV such as: the identities of pioneer woman, competent, sensitive, mother, grandmother, religious. And, yet, those are changeable as the electoral demands, in other words, the need to obtain support and votes, outline a fluid identity construction about the candidate to the position in question

Serviço Social Audit Saúde no SUS/RN: projeto ético político profissional e de reforma sanitária

Health policies in Brazil, the decentralization of SUS management responsibilities for the three spheres of government has driven the creation and regulation of the audits of health services in the National Audit Office, this is a trend of neoliberal policies imposed by international bodies like the World Bank and IMF to peripheral countries characterized by productive restructuring and reforming the state focuses on the presence of two competing projects in the area of health: Health Sector Reform Project which is based on the democratic rule of law with the assumption of health as social right and duty of the State in defending the extension of the conquest of rights and democratization of access to health care guaranteed through the public financing strategies and the effective decentralization of decisions pervaded by social control and privatized Health Project which is based on the state minimum, with a reduction in social spending or in partnerships and privatization, stronger nonprofit sector, subject to capitalist interests, is made effective through strategies targeting health policy and refilantropização actions. In this context, the present study is an analysis on the work of social audits of public health in infants from a qualitative and quantitative approach, embodied by the critical method of dialectical Marxist social theory that enabled us to unveil the characterization, the demands, challenges and outline the profile of Social Work in teams inserted audits of SUS in RN, but also provided evidence to demonstrate the prospects and possibilities of this area of activity of social workers. It was also found that through the audit work that the state fulfill its role as bureaucratic and regulator of health services with efficiency, effectiveness and economy. Yet, paradoxically, the audits of SUS may provide a vehicle for enforcing rights and ensuring the fundamental principles contained in the project of health reform, because it can be configured in a space of political struggle as representing a new field of knowledge production that needs to be appropriate for a theoretical critic able to redirect the social interests in favor of the user. From this perspective, it is concluded that the work of social audits of public health in infants despite the social relevance that prints, as they constitute an activity study of reality and its transformation proposition requires a transformative political action guided the discussion Marxist theory holds that the ethical project professional politician of Social Work

Análise textual das representações discursivas no discurso político brasileiro: o discurso da primeira posse da presidenta Dilma Rousseff (1°/01/2011)

Cette recherche décrit la représentation discursive que la présidente Dilma Rousseff fait de soi-même, dans son discours devant le Congrès National, lors de la journée d’investiture, le 1/1/2011. Notre travail se situe dans le domaine théorique et méthodologique de la linguistique du texte et, plus spécialement, dans la perspective de l’Analyse Textuelle des Discours – ATD (ADAM, 2011 [2008a]), qui se définit comme « une théorie de la production co(n)textuelle de sens qui doit se fonder sur l’analyse de textes concrets ». Elle nous fournit la notion théorique et analytique de « représentation discursive », qui se focalise sur la dimension sémantique du texte. Nous nous appuyons, aussi, sur des travaux récents sur les représentations discursives, réalisés dans la recherche brésilienne sur l’ATD (RODRIGUES, PASSEGGI, SILVA NETO, 2010, 2012; RAMOS, 2011; OLIVEIRA, 2013; QUEIROZ, 2013; ZAMBLANO-OLIVEIRA, PASSEGGI, 2013). Les principales opérations sémantiques de construction de la représentation discursive utilisées dans notre travail sont la Référenciation et la Prédication. L’approche méthodologique est, en même temps, qualitative et quantitative, priorisant l’identification des occurrences, ainsi que la description détaillée de leurs valeurs sémantiques et textuelles. Les résultats de la recherche sont de trois ordres : méthodologique, théorique et descriptif-interprétatif. Méthodologique : nous proposons une approche que nous désignons comme « marquage textuel » (ou « mappage textuel ») qui permet de marquer (étiqueter) les valeurs sémantiques des formes linguistiques, permettant leur identification dans le flux textuel, c.-à-d., dans la dimension séquentiellecompositionnelle du texte. Théorique : nous introduisons la notion de « domaines de la représentation discursive » qui organisent et articulent les différents éléments qui composent la représentation discursive de la présidente. Quant aux résultats descriptifsinterprétatifs du discours de l’investiture, ils indiquent que la représentation discursive de la présidente se configure au moyen de différents domaines conceptuels, explicités par les référenciations et les prédications. Ils mettent en relief les désignations et les actions / états, aussi bien de la femme – domaine du genre – que de la présidente – domaine du rôle politique et institutionnel. La présidente se représente explicitement et avec emphase comme l’agent responsable par les actions exprimées par les prédications verbales (verbes d’action), consciente de l’importance de son rôle politique et social. Les prédications nominales signalent clairement une représentation discursive qui englobe les domaines conceptuels politique, moral, éthique, comportemental et émotionnel (forte, accueillante, pionnière, consolidatrice, infatigable, humble, engagée, démocrate, victorieuse et courageuse). Le discours d’investiture réalise, donc, des désignations positives de la présidente, lesquelles se situent dans un temps présent et prospectif – avec des perspectives de futur – comme leader politique du Brésil, avec une participation active dans la transformation du pays, tenant compte aussi de son histoire de vie, sa biographie de luttes. Ainsi, la description empirique et l’interprétation de ce discours particulier contribue à l’analyse textuelle des représentations discursives dans le discours politique brésilien contemporain. Elle soulève, aussi, des questions théoriques et méthodologiques qui nous semblent pertinentes pour le développement de cette aproche.