Os efeitos do reconhecimento da diversidade sexual como um direito humano pelo sistema interamericano de proteção

La diversidad sexual emerge en las Américas como una de las cuestiones más importantes en relación con la protección y promoción de los derechos humanos. A partir de la democratización de la mayor parte de los Estados Sudamericanos en los años 80, se ha iniciado una discusión acerca de la ampliación del concepto de igualdad con el fin de introducir el derecho a la diferencia como otra expresión de la dignidad de la persona humana, cuyos estudios fueron encabezado de lo que se llamaba La hermenéutica de la Diversidad. En este escenario, el Derecho Internacional de los Derechos Humanos aparece como el principal responsable por el proceso de reconocimiento de la diversidad sexual como un derecho humano, lo que permite la asignación de temas tales como la sexualidad y el género en la agenda de los principales órganos regionales de protección de derechos humanos, así como en la agenda de algunos Estados, que por su promoción de políticas de diversidad han llegado a ser considerados empresarios normativos en relación con el libre ejercicio de la sexualidad humana. En este sentido, se pretende con esta tesis analizar el proceso de reconocimiento de la diversidad sexual como un derecho humano en el marco del sistema interamericano de protección, comprobando el potencial normativo de Argentina, Brasil y Uruguay con respecto a la adopción de normas internas promoción de la diversidad sexual. También tenemos la intención de analizar la norma internacional llamada Convención Interamericana contra todas las formas de discriminación e intolerancia como el primer tratado producido por el sistema interamericano para la protección de la sexualidad como un derecho digno de protección. La investigación ha demostrado que después de la posición adoptada por la Comisión y la Corte Interamericana respecto al ejercicio de la sexualidad, países como Argentina, Brasil y Uruguay promovieron un progreso significativo en el campo de las libertades individuales y en el campo de las políticas públicas de asignación de la sexualidad como un derecho que necesita de una protección efectiva del Estado

Relações internacionais: o comércio exterior do Brasil e Rio Grande do Norte no período de 1999 a 2008

The period post-war promoted several changes in relations economic, political and social world. Since then, a new division international of labor has delineated, with the great growth of Asian countries. In the field of international relations, the world still appears to transition is not completed because the old institutions were not replaced by new ones and the power of the United States as a major capitalist country remains unshaken, even with the emergence and strengthening of new economic global blocs. With globalization, Brazil emerges with more intensity in the face of new issues global, although its share in transactions trade global hasn‟t changed accordingly. In this sense, the objective of this dissertation is to examine, in a descriptive and critical the development of international relations and trade of Brazil and Rio Grande do Norte with the main blocs in the world from 1999 to 2008. As a secondary objective: to identify the assumptions theoretical that underpinned the decisions governments of the FHC and Lula, in particular, the interference of these terms in international relations and foreign trade. Adopted as the procedure methodological the literature review of the subject, as well as collection and processing of the data of foreign trade. During the Cardoso government has undergone the substantial growth in imports, as part of the economic policy of anti-inflationary, generating large deficits trade. From the first to the second term, with the inflection of exchange rate policy the country has resumed surpluses trade. The choice of government of the autonomy participation increased the relative share of the traditional blocks in total foreign trade and reduced the share of MERCOSUL. In the Lula government, there is the maintenance of some elements of the economic policy of the previous government and the partial shift in the conduct of foreign policy, with the option of autonomy through diversification, raising its stake on the blocks and other emerging countries in total foreign trade Brazilian and reducing the contribution of the traditional blocks such as NAFTA and the European Union. A trend observed in the previous government and deepened in the Lula government was the growth in commodity exports and the decline of manufactured products, confirming the model of conservative insertion of Brazilian exports. The Rio Grande do Norte followed the trend Brazilian in the growth of foreign trade, including in participating conservative, given that the products exported by the state are basically coming from horticulture irrigated and agribusiness. However, in the aspect of destination export, the state followed trajectory distinct from that in the Lula government, with the deepening of trade relations with traditional blocks, especially with the European Union and NAFTA

Política de formação docente na América Latina :Argentina, Brasil e Chile

This work aims at studying the policies of teaching training and their impact in the actors and in the education systems of the countries in which these policies were implemented into the context of neoliberal reforms. We particularly studied these policies in three Latin America countries: Argentina, Brazil and Chile. The policies studied here are the ones implemented from the 90 s. However, the horizon of this study is at the beginning of the 80 s, period that starts one of the four intervention initiatives of education here studied: The Main Project of Education For Latin America and Caribbean (PROMEDLAC), which in 2002 goes into a new stage and it is called Regional Project of Education for Latin America and Caribbean (PRELAC), worked out by UNESCO as a request of government representatives of countries of the region, based on the suggestions of Declaration of Mexico , signed by them in 1979. These suggestions will be in the base of the other three initiatives: The Education For All (EPT); Ibero-American Conferences of Education (CIE) and The Hemisphere Action Plan of Education (PAHE), whose documents are the base to the production of an abundant legislation and normatization on education that created the parameters on which the policies of education reforms were worked out and implemented and the dynamism of our education systems from the last two decades of the twentieth century on. All these initiatives intend to work with objectives, projects and programs that, in some cases, in isolation or in groups, are under influence of their actions in a way that frequently it is difficult to identify which of them is the main responsible for some advances. It is important to stand out that not all of the suggestions produced by these initiatives were implemented as policies, and many of them to be implemented were changed in such a way that they were distorted, even they were a result of a multilateral deal, each country gave to them its own interpretation. Moreover, in all these processes the teaching entities had and keep having a fundamental role. The evidences, result of the evaluations of each initiative, show that education policies implemented produced advances in several aspects. They are still not the ideal ones, in truth, but they do exist. In relation to the teaching questions, there were and are still being implemented multiples and varied actions that did not have the expected impact in the education systems of the countries, objects of this study, but, many of them that go on, are promising and start to have a positive impact into the education systems. Even so, the teaching subject matter, even playing a central role in the agenda of all countries of the region, still represents one of the big challenges to the advance and improvement of our education systems

Comércio internacional e meio ambiente: estímulo à produção sustentável ou mero protecionismo comercial a posição do Brasil em dois casos de litígio

The World Trade Organization (WTO) was established in 1994 as a result of the Uruguay Round, and has as its principal aim advocate for the maintenance of free trade between nations. The preamble of its Constitutive Agreement specifically cites as an institution the goal of achieving sustainable development and the pursuit of protecting and preserving the environment, bringing into the sphere of world trade the idea that concern for the environmental cause is not restricted only the group of environmentalists, but rather has entered the economic landscape in a way not only ideological, but also pragmatic. The General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) 1947, part of the GATT 1994, contains a device that allows the adoption of trade restrictive measures, provided that such measures aimed at protecting the environment - Article XX. The Settlement Body (DSB) is part of the WTO and acts in dissolving disputes between the countries motivated by trade. It examines two cases where countries have imposed restrictive trade measures with environmental justification. The first case was closed in 1996, with award of damages given to Brazil, on the breakdown of U.S. environmental legislation imposed on imported gasoline from Brazil - and the second, begun in 2005 and closed in 2007, coming out victorious again Brazil is on the import ban on retreaded tires to Brazil. The objective is to answer the question: how the environment is treated in the midst of trade discussions - which is aimed at its protection or its use with economic objectives in disguise? For the preparation of this work, extensive documentary research was undertaken with the virtual site of the WTO to review the entire production of legal cases and subsequent analysis of the key issue for the work, and literature of authors who have studied the tense relationship between trade international environment. The first case, it could be seen that the political movement performed by the U.S. with the aim of achieving acceptable standards of air quality was an institutional effort to ensure the quality of air, and thus would be inappropriate to say that the regulation of gasoline was merely a disguised trade barrier.However, a careful analysis of the implementation and operation of gasoline regulation may reveal intentions disguised trade and U.S. environmental argument did not hold. The weight of this environment was relegated, since there were clearly outside interests to the environmental cause. The second case, it was realized that, despite clear attempts by the EC to promote ecological dumping, send when brought to Brazil, supposedly a country with weaker environmental structure on surveillance, a residue that, pursuant to internal policies, as could not be sent to their own landfills, the Brazilian discourse remained focused on the environmental cause, and this sort there was the existence of disguised trade barriers, but of importance, at least a priori, the discussion of foreign forces on the environment environment because there is no way to legally justify the reversal of the total understanding of the first judging body, the sight of all the arguments presented by Brazil and the nonsubmission of new facts upon appeal. Still, quite heartening to reflect on the role of trade liberalization on the environment in general, because, while they do not reach a definitive conclusion will reveal positions in both directions, both for and against, the that only adds to the discussions and makes this a very fertile topic for future research