37 resultados para Partido político, Brasil


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This work aims to understand how the public school system has become a failing institution with regards to sexual and gender diversity. I start from the principle that the school system performs a social sorting operation, leaving out of its halls almost all people who don‘t fit into the established heteronormative social order. First, I explore the experiences of primary school (Educação do Ensino Fundamental) professionals from the public network (Rede Pública Municipal) of the city of Natal-RN. I consider their narratives a result of daily practices which denounce the rules that govern and produce them in a broader context. Then I aim to establish a dialogue with the students who are victims of name-calling, teasing and abuse for not aligning with the ―normal‖ gender standards. At this stage of the research, I conducted fieldwork at the State Secondary School of Rio Grande do Norte (Escola Estadual de Ensino Médio). This investigation is guided by the following questions: What challenges need to be addressed in order to recognize the students who have been excluded from the school environment on account of sexual and/or gender differences; additionally, how can their classroom attendance and positive learning experience be ensured? To what degree is the school community concerned with building education practices which value and acknowledge sexual and gender diversity? The research goals were: to analyze how the school and its professionals deal with sexual and gender diversity, investigating which pedagogical practices silence, freeze and obstruct the diversity of student identities; examine how the school and its subjects work toward building new pathways for learning, for coexistence, and for facing the challenges of ―new‖ social demands such as homoaffection; observe the spaces that are cracked open by the presence and the voices of students who demand recognition of their existence.

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This dissertation aims to analyze and understand the process and practices of political marketing strategies applied to social media facebook and twitter Cássio Cunha Lima - PSDB candidate for governor of Paraíba, in the 2014 elections The work is divided into three parts . The first two chapters, both of theoretical nature, underlie the discussion about the use of the Internet as a campaign space and political marketing campaign as well as the different communication strategies and electoral marketing already presented in the literature. Following, is dedicated to a topic for the presentation of the methodology and subsequently makes the discussion of empirical data analysis. Finally, we present the conclusions. The analysis takes as its starting point the models Figueiredo et al. (1998) and Albuquerque (1999) to observe the traditional strategies and suggests the inclusion of typically recorded on the Internet strategies. The methodology used for the analysis was the qualitative and quantitative content from variables that we list different campaign strategies. In order to achieve the purpose of this research, we conducted a case study as an analytical object online campaign Cássio Cunha Lima. The case study took place from the construction of a candidate's biographical and political profile, presented and discussed in the text. This research also made use of virtual ethnography. Therefore, were monitored social media facebook and twitter that political, with the help of image capture program - Greenshot by creating pre-defined categories of analysis, for example, calendar, prestige and support, negative campaign , engagement, among others. The period chosen for monitoring the candidate's official profiles was from 24 August to 28 October 2014, because it holds the pre, during and post-election where there was greater candidate drive level and his team marketing in social media selected for analysis. The results indicate that mobilization strategy (online and offline), merged with the promotion schedule, it is predominant in the social media Cassio. They also indicate that they do not show the failure of the campaign of the candidate in 2014.

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Augusto Boal (Brasil) y Heiner Müller (Alemania) son dramaturgos del siglo XX que vivieron en países y contextos evidentemente distintos. Sin embargo, con la crisis del teatro burgués y de las condiciones de legitimidad del régimen de producción de este teatro, ambos presentan puntos de contacto en sus líneas y vectores teatrales que, frente a la universalidad cuestionable de la dramatización, llevan a la concepción de un teatro múltiple y perturbador del orden de lo sensible. Los procesos de escenificación contemporánea exige un adelantamiento del sentido político, desviando del juego de representaciones sociales, para dar lugar al trabajo deconstructor de imágenes como cisión entre la palabra y lo representado, entre lo legible y lo visible. Frente al expuesto, las escritas escénicas y, por eso, literarias de estos autores, sitios de singularización – no con ausencia de paradojas – capaces de movilizar manifestaciones e impases cuanto a las imágenes que ordenan o desordenan los textos dramáticos, traen para la contemporaneidad tensiones que llevan al teatro mismo, tanto a interpelarse como, en su fuerza plural, a encontrar pasajes para el nuevo. Llevar a la superficie aspectos políticos en las imágenes de los textos dramáticos, considerándolos en su inscripción literaria: “La misión: recuerdos de una revolución”, de Heiner Müller, y de “El hombre que era una fábrica”, de Augusto Boal, se hace un desafío, una vez que las imágenes pretendidas son aquellas con formas o materialidades todavía no visibles en la escena, podríamos decir, en estado virtual. Como imágenes pensantes, ellas suceden en el plan de inmanencia del lenguaje (Deleuze y Guattari). Siendo lo “político” una perturbación en lo sensible, contrario a la política (Rancière), la dramaturgia se abala en multiplicidades, desplazando y desnaturalizando las funciones de autor/dramaturgo y lector/actor, teatro/literatura. Dramaturgia simultánea, imagen, fragmento y colaje se muestran como procedimientos artísticos y literarios creativos que se encuentran apropiados sea en la teoría del teatro del oprimido (Boal), sea en el teatro pos-dramático (Hans-ThiesLehmann), a pesar de que, al confrontarlas, sobresalían en desentendimientos: la primera coincide con la lógica de la identidad y la segunda, esta se desarticula, movida por la diáfora, contestación, o desacuerdo. Tales relaciones – no apriorísticas – se suceden en cuanto acontecimiento de la lectura o de la literatura como acontecimiento en que lo político en las imágenes se da, antes, en las lagunas y obscuridades, aludiendo a lo que está más allá de lo sentido, de la escena del gesto y de la palabra. El lector no se para para atribuir sentido, se interroga frente a las metamorfosis y formas oblicuas de acontecimientos insospechables que componen lo político estableciendo la gestión colectiva de la enunciación. En este caso, el texto de Boal y el texto de Müller se inscriben en la producción de una literatura menor, o de un teatro menor, o que los califica como agentes de devenires revolucionarios, agitando, a través de la política en las imágenes, e irrumpiendo contra el problema del poder en las artes.

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This thesis investigates the voting behavior of the fractions of the new working class in Rio Grande do Norte, more specifically in the cities of Natal, Mossoró and Caicó, from the presidential election of 2014. This research examined the ideology, the evaluation of government and guidance the vote of a portion of the working classes of RN voters. In Brazil, from 2003, socio-economic change has occurred perceptibly, especially in a part of the working classes who ascended socially and switched to the "C economic class." Thus, there was this period, a significant expansion of this social stratum. The expansion of the "class C" in the past decade in Brazil raised the academic debate and in the media about the emergence of a "new middle class". Neri (2008) termed the "class C" of the "new middle class" and that will be the central part of their studies. But the debate on the "new middle class" can not be simplistic to the point of considering that social mobility, the main variable income, entered this segment of the population in the middle class, because it has different specificities of the popular classes. To understand this phenomenon, the income variable was outdated, adding the importance of ownership of the means of production, control of labor power and the symbolic values in the division of social classes resulting in three fractions of the new working class: the management positions, non-heads and small fighters. In this study, using as a complement to the sociological approach (ideologies and social classes) and the performance evaluation was identified that the new working class (heads) mainly reproduced the ideological and political positioning of the middle class, resulting in the rejection of PT governments (2003-2014) and it’s social, compensatory and redistributive policies. From what has been seen, the new working class (chiefs) approaches the ideological and political behavior of the middle class that will reflect in their electoral choices and class interests. The new working class (not heads and small fighters who voted in the situation) because of its classist and ideological interests approached the Workers' Party positively evaluating the Lula-Dilma governments (2003-2014) due to the implementation of compensatory policies, and redistributive programs government turned to the popular classes. In a counterpoint, the voters of the new working class (not heads and small fighters) who voted null, reproduced the discourse of mainstream media and the middle class about the rejection of compensatory policies, redistribution and government programs of Lula-Dilma governments, and consequently they disapproved of the government Dilma and her candidacy.

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Both the end of the twentieth century and the beginning of the twenty-first century have been characterized as a period of major political, economic, social and cultural transformations. Two of the major consequences of the political-economical crisis of the end of last century are the restructuring of capitalist production, and the consolidation of neoliberalism as a worldwide phenomenon. This new world political-economical scenario has influenced, in a dialectic way, the contemporary urban development. In that sense, "new" spatial processes and new paradigms in both urban management and urban planning have gained shape. In this context of urban transformations, the central areas of western cities, also known as historic centers, are being increasingly (re)valued. Since the Second World War, the historic centers urban areas which have great infrastructure and symbolic relevance had been undergoing a process of evasion of population and activities, undeniably linked to the neglect of government authorities. However, in recent decades, the question of historic centers rehabilitation has acquired a growing interest, academically and in political agendas. The object of this dissertation is to focus on how the government of each Brazil and Portugal has dealt with the issue of historic center rehabilitation through programs of urban rehabilitation

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The career of civil engineer Henrique de Novaes, a remarkable figure in the academic, technical and political fields, demonstrates its extensive and relevant work across Brazil in the first half of the twentieth century. It covered from the design of water supply and sewage works, road and rail transport networks, works against drought in the Northeast, hydroelectric and harbor facilities to the urbanization planning and architectural projects, which displays a systematic and multiple production. City and territory conformed to his fields of verification, practical and above all, transformation. The search for understanding of the inclusion of a social actor in this process thus contributes to the specific analysis of the doings of Henrique de Novaes, who graduated at Polytechnic School of Rio de Janeiro in 1906. From a polymorphic activity in different scales, one tries to figure how, through academic education or professional practice, urban history in Brazil can be told or built. The introduction of technological innovations matched the purposes of planning and urban sprawl, as well as met the specifications of regulation and institutionalization of public infrastructure services at the time. The overall plans proposed by the engineer thought of the city as a whole, interconnected to the structural networks. At the same time, the knowledge of a larger physical scale the territory bounces back in the urban in a relationship of reciprocity and completeness. The objective research, therefore, tries to understand the roles played by Henrique de Novaes s works and academic education in the accomplishment of systematic modernization of Brazilian urban space and territory, recovering a little known historical figure by current historiography. It is proposed, as methodological axis, that the study of this professional career configures itself as an essential element for understanding the idea of progress embodied in the technical studies and proposals for improvements and sanitation nationwide in the first half of the twentieth century . The primary sources for the construction of this analysis were technical articles in journals of the period ( Clube de Engenharia , Viação e Revista Brasileira de Engenharia ), and technical reports, government messages, newspaper articles published at the time, autobiographical reports and the engineer s verbal communications with relatives. The work is structured in three chapters: "Biographical traces, academic education and 'technical and political' activities" illustrates the initiation into the technical, public and political environment; Chapter 2, "Technique and territory" outlines his network understanding through sanitation and transport services; Chapter 3 "Technique and City" describes the influence of polytechnics knowledge on the propositions of modernization of cities; Finally, "Final Thoughts: An Evaluation," presents an overview of the affiliations and practice of an engineer in the different scales, and its contribution to the modernization of Brazilian urban and territorial space

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This research deals with the evaluation of the Programa do Governo Federal para Urbanização de Favelas Habitar Brasil(1993) carried out in the Africa slum - Redinha neighbourhood in Natal-Rn. This study carried out in period from 2005 to 2006 searches to identify the effects of the actions proposed by Program in 1993-1994 about the current urbanistic configuration of the Africa community. It analyzes the effectiveness in the process of achievement of the considered objectives to habitation, communitity equipments, infrastructure and agrarian regularization. On the evaluation process, it has been as reference the works developed by Adauto Cardoso (2004), Blaine Worthen (2004), Ronaldo Garcia (2001) and Rosângela Paz (2006). About the Habitational Policy with approach to the Urbanistic Right and the right to the housing, the reflections by Raquel Rolnik, Nabil Bonduki, Ermínia Maricato, Saule Júnior, Betânia de Moraes Alfonsin and Edésio Fernandes are main references. To gauge the execution of the objectives proposed by Habitar Brasil in 1993, it has searched in the documentary data of the time and in information gotten in interviews with technicians that had participated of the program, consistent references on what was considered, what was executed and the process of the intervention of Habitar Brasil in the Africa community. The area analysis in 2005-2006 has developed on the base of the urbanistic survey of the current situation from the four performance lines of the Program: habitation, infrastructure, community equipments and agrarian regularization, with a current urbanistic evaluation of Africa considering the intervention carried out in 1993 and 1994. The study points out the context of Brazilian Habitational Policy where the Programa Habitar Brasil was launched, explaining the main principles of the Program. In terms of local, it empahsizes the administrative-political factors that had contributed so that Natal-Rn city has been pioneering in the resources captation of Habitar Brazil (1993). Considering Habitar Brazil in Africa, the work argues and presents the intervention diagnosis and the proposal, developed by Program in 1993 evidencing the local problem of the time. After that, it makes a current reading of the area, identifying in 2006 representative elements of Habitar Brasil (1993-1994) for the Africa community. It identifies significant advances in the constitution of the institucional apparatus of the plaining system of Habitation of Social Interest for the city of Natal and points the fragilities in the implementation of the urban infrastructure actions and above all in the achievement of the objectives of the agrarian regularization