Escola e gênero : representações de gênero na escola

The study Escola e Gênero: representações de gênero na escola show us the social man made, starting of an analysis in the having fun time in the children´s life and how it´s an important aspect of the building childish universe simbolic. My analysis started in a children´s daily at school and how they noticed the play value od dominant society. Our propouse is think about the linking between ideology, representations and gender like the children´s knowledge in the school activities. The toy, an instrument which is noticed and exist in the funny activities, is full of cultural concepts of male and female parts. Your color, lines, functions and the way you manipulate is driven of gender cathegories. In the scool, the ideological concepts have it´s important way which is to domesticate the feelings, the desires; categorize and normalize them without be known by the educational employers. In the children´s education, the funny time is noticed by others ways and turned as important as others subjects. By the way it´s not noticed by the school, like another thing which isn´t a funny moment. And it´s exactly here in the school funny time, the school did your cultural power of separete the gender and your extencions, feed by the society, generaly, in favor of the man whose woman is your subordinate. This ways of analysis help the society and the school universe about the funny time e how they are important in the Man made life. And how the toys bring the concepts and addicted thinking, ideological which put the power in the stages, without equal, addicted feelings around the gender concepts. I read and used the theories of Kishimoto, Berger & luckmann, Brougère, Sousa Filho, Bourdieu, Badinter, Geertz, Grossi, Louro, Foucault, among others

Empreendedorismo ambiental e preservacionismo compensatório: o turismo e as unidades de conservação Parque Estadual das Dunas e Área de Proteção Ambiental Jenipabu-RN

This doctoral thesis addresses the environmental issues and its vinculum with the tourism through the protected natural areas, in particular the conservation units, which consists in territorial areas created and demarcated by the government in order to protect ecosystems that have a high ecological and scenic-landscaped representativeness designed to the contemplation and controlled public visitation. In regard to its use for the touristic activities, are conceived while socio-environmental and symbolic materiality built around an imagery view of a nature-show, designed to attract visitors, aiming ensure the maintenance and reproduction of the capital in an entrepreneurial and preservationist way in the Metropolitan Region of Natal. It s a study about the Dunes State Park Jornalista José Maria Alves and the Jenipabu Environmental Protected Area, both created with the purpose of favor the implantation and empowerment of the touristic area through the State intervention as the main articulator agent of a new process of urbanization that uses the city marketing and the ideological discuss of environmental sustainability to recreate the imaginary of lost paradise and incorporate into the daily universe of tourists visiting the state of Rio Grande do Norte. The unveiling of this empirical reality made possible the construction and defense of the terms environmental entrepreneurship and compensatory preservationism, to explain how the formatting and idealization of this paradisiacal scenarios produce the commoditization of nature in an efficient and competitive way

O Trabalho e o labirinto da responsabilidade socioempresarial:a experiência da cidadania empresarial do Banco do Brasil

In the current systemic crisis, economic policy is directed to correct the consequences of the functioning of this metabolism, but within the limits of the capital. From this perspective, decision makers propose trade policies, agricultural and industrial to ensure conditions for economic growth. However, as a dead end, there is failure of the State in giving efficacy to the operation of all segments of the economy, especially given the budget constraint. Public managers are forced to seek external resources, resuming the cycle of political allegiance to the interests of international financial and banking representatives, installed in so-called multilateral. The complex ideological capital comes into play in trying to convince society that the paths taken by governments are inevitable, and that capitalism can be "humanized", even with the realization of the growing inequalities caused by historical irrationalism of the production process of capital . In this sense, emerging concepts that attempt to demonstrate the compatibility of the system to real human needs. This ideological offensive is intended to legitimize the capital. The so-called third sector has a special highlight with the concept of corporate social responsibility. It creates a political environment in which the inevitable mix-up with new illusions offered by and often funding the metabolism of capital in order to perpetuate this system. In this context, political elites, and considerable portions of the academy, embark on "waves of capitalist optimism," while the sociometabolismo capital expands its historical limits, driving forces postponing their collapse, but that cause human suffering and ecological stress. Wars are disseminated to strengthen the deadly war industry and the automobile industry; and devastating the environment of which depends the capital system. In this scenario disassemble, propositions emerge around a "new social pact" in order to minimize the adverse effects of the dynamics of reproduction of capital. The business class is called to exercise its role through the discourse that appeals to social responsibility programs, in order to intervene directly in the "social question". The core of this research is precisely this point. Although there is considerable scholarship on the phenomenon of Social Responsibility and Corporate Citizenship, there is also an evident lack of this approach focused on the banking sector in Brazil. The importance of rentier capital increased ownership of shares in the wealth produced by all of Brazilian society, justifies a sociological research project on Social Responsibility in the domestic financial sector. In this sense, it was decided to perform a dynamic approach to the "Corporate Citizenship" in the banking industry, specifically in the Bank of Brazil. As this is a key institution, is important analyze of the impacts of this strategy fetish of capitalist reproduction, in order to evaluate the social legitimization of rentier capital in Brazil. In this scenario of the abundance of the discourse on social responsibility there exist a progressive impoverishment of professional work in this segment in Brazil. There is a dramatic mismatch between rhetoric and practice because of the trend of deepening vulnerability of the working conditions of the Brazilian bank worker, from the 1990's. In the specific case of the Bank of Brazil, the first initiative of the institution was to conform to the principles of the UNO and the Ethos Institute, aiming to align their domestic policies to this new strategy of domination of capital. The purpose is to place the Bank in the ideological sphere of corporate social responsibility, just as with its partners in the private financial intercapitalist competition. Indeed, in the internal ambit of the Bank of Brazil, there is a policy to adjust its functional segments to the doctrine of Social Corporate Responsibility. The concepts of this doctrine is presented as something inexorable. There are no alternatives. The Bank of Brazil operates in a highly competitive market, the segment featuring the dominance of financial capital accumulation today. For this reason it can not fail to incorporate the technological advances organizational. For employees there is no alternative but to adapt to this new set of ideas proposed by the metabolism of capital

O incesto : discurso e ideologia

This research had as purpose to establish the logic symbolic present in the contemporary society that facilitated the emergency of a public speech on the incest, and, consequently, to demonstrate the ideological nature that structures it. Event associated to the order of the taboo, the incest would be the transgression of the injunction that, second Lévi-Strauss, facilitated the emergency of the Culture while symbolic order, differentiated of the natural order. The injunction of the incest would reveal the elementary and universal structures of the order symbolic presents in the human societies: the demand of the Rule as rule; the reciprocity and the gift, present element in the social changes that it transforms the individuals in partners, increasing a new quality in the transferred value, according to Lévi-Strauss. Starting from this, I developed the hypothesis second which the phenomenon of the alone incest became an event of discursive order and public as right social transformations affected the normative system (social representations, values, moral) regulator of the relationships among the social subjects, being reflected like this, in the own structuring of the Law. A second work hypothesis was developed starting from that. I develop it leaving of the argument that if when inserting the discussion of the thematic of the defense of the children and adolescent rights, being then, considering it while "privileged modality of sexual abuse against children", the present central subjects in the structuring of the social entail would be leaved. Being like this, the partner-institutional speech on the incest would answer the social demands of order and social control, becoming like this, discursive formations of ideological character. This research work tried to follow the hypothesis above referred, demonstrating the singular sense that it will be attributed to the incest in the contemporary society, particularly, its relationship with the Law and the transgression in the contemporary society

Os embates entre ciência e política na experiência parlamentar de Josué de Castro

This study want to know how Josué de Castro, the two terms of a congressman, participated in the Brazilian political-ideological debate of the 1950s. For this, search the 61 speeches in the plenary of the House of Representatives and its 14 projects, analyzing them as historical documents that describe an experience, which enables the central category amalgamated the subject and his time, which breaks up the possibilities of new social practices. Unity of action and reflection, the experience of Castro in the Brazilian parliament has got on the basis of a previous flow experiences in the political-institutional and scientific. Together with the personal history, the political intellectual scenario of his time was another variable considered in the first chapter of this work. In the second chapter did an analysis of 32 speeches and projects of the first term of Josué de Castro, grouping them by thematic affinities. The 43 for the second term were discussed in the third chapter, leaving the final considerations answer the research objectives: What are the main interlocutors? What are your political positions? What are the points of rupture and continuity in his political career? Josué de Castro spoke to the Brazilian state directly to the president, some ministers and to the SUDENE, the ONU appears indirectly through the reports of his participations. His political position was a national-developmentalist who embraced the cause of self-determination of the countries, anti-imperialism, agrarian reform and regional planning, strongly inspired by Celso Furtado and San Tiago Dantas. Castro often has blended a liberal and Marxist terminology, relying on different ideologies to do support his fight against hunger

A gestão participativa em administrações municipais:as experiências de Natal e Maceió

Our object is to analyze the experiences in participative management in the cities o Natal and Maceió. The center of our interests is to evaluate if the operational changes in public administration in Brazil have really caused transformations in the municipal government which tend to constitute democracy in our country. The enlargement of civil society participation experiences in public management (at least as a proposal) has led to a great diversity of results even when executed by individuals from the same political party or with the same ideological interests. Thus, we investigate why the participative management process takes place in different forms even when the managers belong to the same party and share the same ideas. We based our analysis in the analytical scheme developed by Esping-Andersen (1991) in his studies about the cause for different welfare states in the world. We defend the thesis that the specifities in management are explained through an integrative analysis between the capacity of organization existent in society, the kind of govern coalition and the institutional legacy present in both cities. The complete analysis of the two experiences studied shows that there are similarities specially in the mayors government forms and in the importance they give in their speech to the participation of society as the element which sustains the management. Nevertheless, although both mayors are connected to the political party project, there are also differences in the advance of such process mainly because of the basis work performed by the left party among the popular movement, the kind of govern coalition which has been developed in the city and by the institutional legacy left by the former administration

Tribunal do Júri e Soberania Popular

The present work has for object the Jury under the democratic optics, looking for to demonstrate its democratic validation. The purpose of this work was to revisit the institution, in order to bring its importance while instrument of popular participation. The work presents, first, a systematic and chronological approach of the institution of the Jury and its evolution inside of Brazilian constitutional history, objectifying, with this, to approach the narrow entailing of the Jury with the constitutional postulates. After that, the constitutional principles of the Jury had been examined, looking for to establish the popular identity of the institution and its approach with the human rights system of the Brazilian Federal Constitution. More ahead, had been examined the direct participation of the society in the Jury, going deep the questions related with the election of the jurors and the jury nullification on the American Jury. Finally, had been dedicated the study of the current conjuncture of the Brazilian Jury, its problems and the possible solutions, beyond the study of the limitation's mechanisms in the constitutional principle of the popular supremacy and the reform's projects suggested for legislators and jurists. In this way, had been looked elaborate a constitutional construction of the Jury, defending its permanence in the Brasil law system, for being a fundamental guarantee to protect the freedom, moreover for being essential to validate the Democratic State of Right, for to be the materialization of the democratic principle. For opportune, it's necessary to allege that this work had been directed to the constitutional analysis of the Jury, its legitimacy and its democratic vocation, using themselves as ideological north the American Jury System and as philosophical base the social contract theory, understanding the Jury as an instrument of protection of the society front to the state supremacy and its hierarchy structure of the power

O princípio constitucional da livre concorrência como instrumento de desenvolvimento socioeconômico

The freedom of concurrence, firstly conceived as a simple market fundament in productive systems that recognized the productive forces freedom of action, appears as a clear instrument of protection and fomentation of the market, recognizing the importance of the simultaneous existence of various economic forces such the proper capitalism reason of constitution. It has, thus, a directly role linked to the fundamental idea that the market and its productive forces needed of a protection against itself, because it exists inside the market situations and circumstances, provoked or not, that could prejudice and even annihilate the its existence and functioning, whilst a complex role of productive forces presents at all economic creation space. It was the primacy of the classic liberalism, the first phase of the capitalism. The Constitutions, in that historic moment, did not proclaim any interference at the economic scenario, simply because it recognized the existence of an economic freedom prepared to justify and guarantee the market forces, with its own rules. Based on the structural changes that occurred at the following historic moments, inside the constitutionally recognized capitalism, it was verified changes in the ambit of treatment of the freedom of concurrence principle that, in a progressive way, passes to present a configuration more concerned with socialist and developing ideas, as long as not only a market guarantee. It emerges a freedom of concurrence which aim is instrumental, in relation to its objectives and constitutional direction as a role, and not anymore stagnant and with isolated treatment, in special at the constitutional systems the present s clear aspects of social interventions and guarantor of fundamental rights more extensive and harmonious. That change is located at a space of state actuation much more ample and juridical important, this time comprehending the necessity of managing the productive scenario aiming to reach a national social and economic development effectively guarantor of fundamental rights for all citizens. Those Constitutions take as point of starting that the social and economic development, and not only anymore the economic growth, is the effective way for concretization of these rights. In that way it needs to be observed and crystallized by political and juridical tools that respect the ideological fundamental spirit of the Constitutional Charters. In that scenario that seeks for solutions of rights accomplishment, in special the social rights, the constitutional principle of freedom of concurrence has been seen as an instrument for reaching bigger values and directives, such as the social justice, which only can be real at a State that can implement a comprehensive and permanent social and economic development. The freedom of concurrence tries to valorize and defend something larger and consonant to the political values expressed in the Constitutional Charters with social character, which is the right to a social and economical sustainable development, guarantor of more clear and compromised collective benefits with social justice. The origin of that constitutional imposition is not only supported by vague orientations of the economic space, but as integrated to it, with basis formed of normative and principles posted and prepared to produce effects at the proper reason of the Constitution

Federalismo cooperativo e o exercício da competência administrativa ambiental

This paper aims to discuss the conflicts of competence in environmental matters, as well as the legitimacy of the normative acts in the exercise of jurisdiction effected environmental management. For this work, addresses the issue of federalism, North American (dual) and German (cooperative), deepening its historical and theoretical fundamentals, as well as the influences on the evolution of the ideological matrix of Brazilian federalism. Distinguishes itself around the problem the theoretical and abstract discussion involving the constitutional division of powers, and the issue of his relationship with the vicissitudes in the embracement of environmental matters that invariably leads to mistakes in the exercise of jurisdiction environmental management. Its highlight the existence of a framework environmental law, embodying the principles themselves as well as a specific object of authority, which qualifies a different interpretation of the rules of constitutional powers as well as influencing the acting agent of government in managing the public good environment. The study represents an exploratory research as it investigates the depths of the institutes are in evidence not only with satisfying its practical outcome. For this to happen, explores bibliographical sources and identified by the science of law as more important, as the search for social-political boundary which takes the issue studied in their historical and contextual materiality, whose study is essential for a complete understanding of the topic . The dialectic that arguments have been constructed throughout the monograph, attempts to pass a critical way to expose the author's ideas, which considers as essential in the arrival of new questions

Teoria da despesa pública: uma leitura ético-constitucional em busca do possível da reserva

Brazilian law passes through a crisis of effectiveness commonly attributed to the extravagance of fundamental rights and public shortage. However, public finances are not dogmatically structured to solve the conflicts around the limitations of public spending. There are ethical conditioning factors, like morality, proportionality and impartiality, however, these principles act separately, while the problem of public shortage is holistic. Also, the subjectivity of politics discretionary in the definition of public spending, which is supported in an indeterminate concept of public interest, needs material orientation about the destination of public funds, making it vulnerable to ideological manipulation, resulting in real process of catching rights. Not even the judicial activism (such as influx of constitutionalism) is shown legally appropriate. The Reserve of Possible, also presents basic ethical failure. Understanding the formation of public shortage is therefore essential for understanding the crisis of effectiveness of state responsibilities, given the significant expansion of the state duty of protection, which does not find legal technique of defense of the established interests. The premise of argument, then, part of the possibility of deducting minimal model ethical of desire to spend (public interest) according to objective parameters of the normative system. Public spending has always been treated disdainfully by the Brazilian doctrine, according to the legal character accessory assigned to the monetary cost. Nonetheless, it is the meeting point between economics and law, or is in the marrow of the problem of public shortage. Expensive Subjects to modernity, as the effectiveness of fundamental rights, pass necessarily an ethical legal system of public spending. From the ethical principles deducted from the planning, only the democratic principle guides the public spending through the approval of public spending in the complex budget process. In other words, there is an ethical distancing of economic reality in relation to state responsibilities. From the dogmatic belief of insufficiency, public spending is evaluated ethically, according to the foundations of modern constitutionalism, in search of possible of the financial reserve, certain that the ethics of public economy is a sine qua non condition for legal ethics.

Compreendendo a educação para a inclusão digital: uma análise dos sentidos atribuidos pelos monitores das escolas de inclusão digital e cidadania da EMATER-RN

According to the methodological presuppositions of the understanding interview (KAUFMAAN, 1996), the present work aims to understand the Digital Inclusion starting from the oral speeches of eight monitors of Digital Inclusion and Citizenship Schools of the Technical Assistance and Rural Extension Company EMATER, located in municipal districts that belong to six regions of the state of Rio Grande do Norte. It also had the intention to analyze it (the Digital Inclusion), while educational process and its relation with the citizenship. In its first part, an analysis of the discussions about digital inclusion was developed, and a reflection about the new technologies in current times, followed by a contextualization of the rural space and the methodological course of the study, when its guiding axis and the travelled roads were presented, where the object of study is built slowly and progressively through a theoretical elaboration that increases day by day, as of the technologies forged in the field of research and formation of the subject. The second part presents the study of the collected information, that is organized in three chapters denominated as follows: Conceptions of the local context; What does digital inclusion mean? and The monitor as an educator. The reports do evidence a peculiar dissatisfaction with the social reality where they are found, that contradicts the positive reflections and perspectives of the studied authors, once that, within the actual conjuncture, the rural space has acquired another meaning, no longer being seen as a far late place. By trying to define the digital inclusion, the monitors make an association with change, the access to knowledge, active participation in society and improvement of the life conditions. Here a mission sense stands out, related to the ideological precept, which has been managing its activities. Towards the monitor‟s relation within the classroom, the senses evidence how they are and how they have been developing their daily activities. Tensions, fears and insecurities are identified, but at the same time, a compromise. The final considerations implicate to the need of reorientations in the formative process of this professionals, detaching the importance of their activities while agents of inclusion and social transformation

A implementação do programa Gestão nota 10 no sistema municipal de educação em Mossoró/RN (2005 a 2009)

This research work is focused to show the changes in educational administration from the agreements between the Mossoró / RN and the Ayrton Senna Institute IAS, for education provision. Nowadays, the partnership policy is a constitutive element of the reform of the Brazilian State, which dropped its action on social policies and to strengthen its regulatory role, encouraging private participation in planning, preparation and implementation of public policies, new printing setting the political-social. In this context, the 10 Note Management Programme, developed by the IAS, is part of the neoliberal logic of modernization of public school systems, focusing on results and developing strategies for control and regulation of schools work and its efficiency, effectiveness and greater productivity. The 10 Note focuses on two dimensions: the management of learning and teaching in networking, in a managerial perspective to overcome the culture of failure (expressed as age-grade, dropout and repetition rates in) and implantation of culture of success (as measured in the improvement of the indices). To understanding the process, we have delimited as the object of study, the process of implementing them mentioned program in the city, which its objective is to analyze implications for the school community from the perspective of democratic management, adopting the dimensions of autonomy and participation in institutional processes as a criterion of analysis. From a methodological point of view, the survey was conducted from a literature review and documentary about educational policy developed in the country since the 1990´s, seeking to understand, in a dialectical perspective, the political dimensions of teaching, training and performance of the subjects involved in the school work. Besides the empirical observation, it was also used semi-structured interviews with a methodological tool for gathering information and opinions about the partnership and the implementation of the 10 Note Management Program in the county. The interviewee participants were ex-former education managers, coordinators, school managers, secretaries and teachers. Regarding the dimensions inside the analysis (autonomy and participation), the research led to the conclusion: that GEED, under the guidance of IAS promoted regulation of school autonomy, set up the selection process for exercising the office of school administration and system awards to schools, pupils and teachers, subject to results, there is mismatch between the managerial logic and the democratic management principles, that the ideological discourse of modernization of municipal management coexists with traditional practices, centralizing patronage, which ignores the democratic participation in the school decisions processes, the goals of the partnership were partially achieved, since that the city has improved over the approval and dropouts, although the approval of the Education Municipal Plan of the rules institutional (administrative, financial and educational) and the creation of the Councils observed that the school community participation is still limited, not being characterized as a coordinated intervention, capable of promoting the transformation and improvement its quality in the county. In the same way, the orientation of networking is a limit to the autonomy of schools, given the external definition of goals and strategies to be adopted, along with pressure exerted through the accountability of each school community for their achievements

O livro de leitura da campanha de pé no chão também se aprende a ler/RN: um estudo dos pressupostos histórico-culturais

This work is about the historical and cultural assumptions inserted in the contents of literacy of the Campanha de Pé no Chão Também se Aprende a Ler, a movement of culture and popular education, developed in the State of Rio Grande do Norte in the period between 1961 and 1964. The hypothesis is the one of the existence of a romantic-political ideology which permeated a national developmentalist conception sited in its didactic-pedagogic instrument of literacy, the Book of Lecture of De Pé no Chão Também se Aprende a Ler/RN (1963). It has the aim to understand how the popular critical consciousness marked by conceptions of culture and popular education in its social, cultural and ideological relations, happened. Analyses the object of study by the symbolical cartography, methodological procedures which have as principles to retire from an antecedent source implicit meanings that can discover new realities, articulating the keywords of that document to the ideology that surrounded the Campanha de Pé no Chão Também se Aprende a Ler /RN. As results, the research showed that, considering the historical-cultural assumptions of the national developmentalist thought sited in the studied Book of Lecture, the conditions of the political-cultural context and of the advance of the Brazilian national industry on the beginning of the 1960th , admitted a process of social integration lavished by the popular literacy on the Campanha de Pé no Chão/RN, linked with the possibility of transition of the popular conscience, in a romantic-political perspective of the culture and the popular education

Descompassos nas políticas educacionais: a reorganização da educação rural em Jardim de Piranhas/RN

The present work has as aim to analyze the reorganization process of the rural education in Jardim de Piranhas-RN, on the context of the education policies, in particular of the period of 1999-2006, having as reference the transformations in the political, cultural and socio-economic setting in the national, regional and local level, above all from the decade of 1990. The studies carried out in diverse sources made possible to understand from the context in which they had developed the education policies, in particular, that one directed for the rural way, as well as the mediation of this with the education reorganization in the local scope. Besides these research procedures, we carry out interviews - semi-structuralized - with managers and teachers, and we analyze documents from the produced ones in national level to those local ones. From the viewpoint theoretician-methodological, we focus the national discussion that comes developing under a new ideological political configuration and, being entitled by the Field Education, understood as a policy directed to education specifities in this sector and consolidated in the Operational Guidelines for the Basic Education in the Field Schools (CNE/MEC/2002). As particularity of this object in Jardim de Piranhas-RN, we emphasize events occurred that had marked the rural education reorganization in that city, especially from the creation of the Rural Education named Center Teacher Maria Edite Batista. Studies make possible to realize that until the Center creation, the schools functioned in rather precarious infrastructure and physical conditions, that is, without electric energy and water supplying, as well as the lack of school snack and the management structure. There was not a project or specific pedagogical accompaniment for the sector. Moreover, the teachers worked predominantly with several grade classes and still they fulfilled the manager functions, caretakers, and cook- in some cases as school secretary. However, exactly with the creation of the Rural Education Center, the education municipal system did not become capable to overcome problems as of the evasion and school failure, as well as decreasing the work overload of teachers, neither to give greater consistency to the pedagogical project of the field schools in that city

Avaliação do desenvolvimento sustentável na bacia hidrográfica do Rio Seridó em face das políticas públicas e da gestão dos recursos hídricos

The reality of water resources management in semiarid regions, such as the Seridó region, has been shaped by a complex chain involving social-cultural, political, economic and environmental aspects, covering different spheres of activity - from local to federal. Because water is a scarce element, the most rational way pointed out by our recent history has been to move towards an increasing emphasis on the need for a truly rational, integrated, sustainable and participatory water resources management, supported by legislation and by a network of institutions that could materialize it. In this sense, despite all the advances in the formulation of public policies in water resources, which ones have indeed lead to significant changes that have occurred or are underway in semiarid regions such as Seridó? What factors may be preventing the realization of the desires rationality embedded in the framers of water policies intents? How to properly manage water resources if the current actors who promote their management and the political, human, cultural and institutional processes that intervene in this management, show strong traces of unsustainability? The research methodology adopted in this paper led to a breakdown of the traditional approach to water resource management, to integrate it into other areas of knowledge, especially to political science and public administration, catalyzed by the concept of "sustainable development". From a broad, interdisciplinary literature review, an exhaustive characterization of the river basin Seridó, a set of interviews with key people in the public administration acting in the region, a series of diagnoses and a set of propositions were made in order to correct the direction of current public policies for the region. From the point of view of public policies, it is in the deployment phase, not in its formulation, which lies a major problem of the lack of significant progress in water management. The lack of coordination between government programs are well characterized, as well as the lack of efficiency and effectiveness of their actions. The causes of this secular model are also discussed, including political factors and social relations of production, which led to a stalemate difficult, but of possible solution. It can be perceived there is a scenario of progressive deterioration of natural resources of the fragile ecosystem and a network of environmental and social consequences difficult to reverse, the result of a persistent and inertial sociopolitical culture, whose main factors reinforce itself. The work leads towards a characterization of the water resources management also from the perspective of environmental, institutional, political and human sustainability , the latter being identified, particularly as investment in the development of people as autonomous beings - not based in ideological directives of any kind - in the emancipation of the traditional figure of the poor man of the hinterland" to the "catalyst for change" responsible for their own decisions or omissions, based upon an education for free-thinking that brings each one as co-responsible epicenter of (self-) sustainable changes in their midst