Rejeição e voto em eleição contemporânea: um estudo de caso da eleição à prefeitura do município de Natal/RN (2012)

Given the importance that political science and social sciences give studies of voting behavior, this study sought to fill this academic discussion another important element that makes up this complex set. From the campaign trail to City Christmas in 2012 work has been undertaken analysis of rejection in the first and second rounds of this election. For this analysis we used two sources of data: quantitative research, conducted by Search Consult the first and second rounds of elections, and the use of focus group technique, performed in the second round of elections. Knowing the various factors that may affect the voting decision, but also the dynamism that pervades a political dispute, seek, with this work, contribute to the deepening of the rejection of studies, aiming to bring subsidies presenting information to better explain the behavior studies election. The results showed that there is a less expressive, the chamda strong rejection. We speak of that rejection based on a political, historical and ideological. The reason for the weak presence of strong rejection seems to be little involvement of voters with politics and, consequently, low knowledge about politics and politicians. We observe, however, evidence of rejection volatile. We refer here to a kind of rejection that develops during the election process depending on the preference of the voter and according to the circumstances of the campaign. The data also lead us to conclude that television is as an instrument for the dissemination of ideas that can contribute in shaping the opinion of viewers. The role of political parties in representing the interests of the people have lost their strength in recent years. The data also show that, to the extent that increases the preference of voters in the electoral process, also increases its rejection

Programa nova semente em perspectiva (2009-2012): uma avaliação de processo

Historically the provision of childcare facilities in Brazil was short of demand. This problem affects a large part of the population and has a tendency to worsen, due to the accelerated decline in the number of parents of dedication exclusive family. The program called "Nova Semente" seeks to accelerate the creation of childcare facilities in the county, enabling the opening of units at low cost and in record time, through partnerships between government, non-governmental and civil society organizations. This study conducted a process evaluation of the implementation of public policy, to identify the strengths and weaknesses of the policy. In real terms, this paper seeks to understand the motivation for the development of the program, identifying the reasons set out in the project match what is being sent; Understand how it is giving practical partnership between the government entity and the entities "non-state"; Identify the degree of achievement of goals that should be met even in the implementation phase; verify employment of instruments provided for its implementation. For this, the literature of public policy evaluation is used, and fits the criteria and mechanisms for analysis in the assessment of efficacy, to answer the question motivating the work, which deals with uncertainty about the durability of the Program. the framework is the criteria and mechanisms for analysis in the assessment of efficacy, to answer the question motivating the work, which deals with uncertainty about the durability of the Program

A guerra midiática contra a Venezuela de Hugo Chavez: a cobertura da revista veja (1998-2002)

A pretensão deste trabalho foi o de analisar o discurso da revista semanal Veja sobre o governo de Hugo Chávez Frías, atual presidente da República Bolivariana da Venezuela. Através da leitura das reportagens, procuramos apresentar o comportamento da revista em relação ao se governo e a forma que sua política é classificada, representada. Reunimos edições da revista, entre 1998 a 2002, início do seu governo - eleito em dezembro de 1998, toma posse no início de 1999, período da tentativa de golpe (frustrada) em abril de 2002. O trabalho procura mostrar como as matérias não são isentas e que há um claro posicionamento ideológico da revista, que se insere no conjunto mais geral da mídia conservadora e anti-Chávez. O presidente, eleito e reeleito democraticamente, aparece sempre nas diversas reportagens da revista caracterizado como golpista, ditador, populista, fanfarrão. O nosso objetivo é o de revelar como Veja criou uma imagem negativa do presidente da Venezuela, coerente com os princípios neoliberais defendidos pela revista. A Venezuela com Hugo Chávez, com a chamada Revolução Bolivariana , realiza uma experiência singular de governo num país de larga tradição antidemocrática e afirma caminhar na contracorrente do pensamento hegemônico neoliberal. Em contrapartida, a revista Veja se apresenta com um representante da burguesia financeira e importante sujeito na construção e continuidade do neoliberalismo

Max Stirner, o único e o que lhe é próprio: uma interpretação e(m) algun(s) ensaio(s)

This work has a study object the main thinking work of Johan Kaspar Schmidt well known as Max Stirner (1806-1856) - originally titled (in German), Der Einzige und sein Eigentun, and translated into Portuguese by the Portuguese publisher Antígona in 2004, under the title The Unique and its Ownership. This book was known in 1844 although its publication dated 1845 seen that the censor of that time rejected the publication request in that year - saying that ( ) in concrete passages of that work, not only God, Christ, the church and the religion are usually object of proposal blasphemy, but also because all social order, the state and the government are defined as something that should not exist simultaneously as one justifies the lie, perjury, the murder and suicide and denies the ownership right. After this first attack and rejection by its bearing the unique come to be others target, due practically to all the philosophical political thinkers its time including thinkers like Ludwig Feuerbach and Karl Marx & Friedrich Engels in spite of, on the other hand, having inspired formulations and reformulations of many of those thinkers that were against then in their times, as well as those thinkers that came after then such as Nietzsche himself. Even though this work was be victim of powerful attempts of erasing it of history, it has shown a great repercussion power and that is the main reason that led us to ask the following questions what is its big originality? , how could his author arrive at a so impactant perspective? What is its most legitimate political place? We endeavored in elaborate answers to those questions trough the exegesis of its text, taking in account both the scholarship environment where the author produced his intellectual life set - and the detailed reading of texts linked to discussion in focus, where this reading is always based upon the meaning and senses traced by the texts and its contexts as a precaution against the limits and the traps of the readings which shed light markedly on strict letter of the phrases constructs. Ours conclusions point at to the idea that a work like this , that subverts the characteristic ways of thought of the modernity, completely, continues being a utter odds, without rank in the history of thought and the moderns political practices, finding parallel possibility only, in a very special way, with a certain autharchic perspective of Ancient Greece

O Trabalho e o labirinto da responsabilidade socioempresarial:a experiência da cidadania empresarial do Banco do Brasil

In the current systemic crisis, economic policy is directed to correct the consequences of the functioning of this metabolism, but within the limits of the capital. From this perspective, decision makers propose trade policies, agricultural and industrial to ensure conditions for economic growth. However, as a dead end, there is failure of the State in giving efficacy to the operation of all segments of the economy, especially given the budget constraint. Public managers are forced to seek external resources, resuming the cycle of political allegiance to the interests of international financial and banking representatives, installed in so-called multilateral. The complex ideological capital comes into play in trying to convince society that the paths taken by governments are inevitable, and that capitalism can be "humanized", even with the realization of the growing inequalities caused by historical irrationalism of the production process of capital . In this sense, emerging concepts that attempt to demonstrate the compatibility of the system to real human needs. This ideological offensive is intended to legitimize the capital. The so-called third sector has a special highlight with the concept of corporate social responsibility. It creates a political environment in which the inevitable mix-up with new illusions offered by and often funding the metabolism of capital in order to perpetuate this system. In this context, political elites, and considerable portions of the academy, embark on "waves of capitalist optimism," while the sociometabolismo capital expands its historical limits, driving forces postponing their collapse, but that cause human suffering and ecological stress. Wars are disseminated to strengthen the deadly war industry and the automobile industry; and devastating the environment of which depends the capital system. In this scenario disassemble, propositions emerge around a "new social pact" in order to minimize the adverse effects of the dynamics of reproduction of capital. The business class is called to exercise its role through the discourse that appeals to social responsibility programs, in order to intervene directly in the "social question". The core of this research is precisely this point. Although there is considerable scholarship on the phenomenon of Social Responsibility and Corporate Citizenship, there is also an evident lack of this approach focused on the banking sector in Brazil. The importance of rentier capital increased ownership of shares in the wealth produced by all of Brazilian society, justifies a sociological research project on Social Responsibility in the domestic financial sector. In this sense, it was decided to perform a dynamic approach to the "Corporate Citizenship" in the banking industry, specifically in the Bank of Brazil. As this is a key institution, is important analyze of the impacts of this strategy fetish of capitalist reproduction, in order to evaluate the social legitimization of rentier capital in Brazil. In this scenario of the abundance of the discourse on social responsibility there exist a progressive impoverishment of professional work in this segment in Brazil. There is a dramatic mismatch between rhetoric and practice because of the trend of deepening vulnerability of the working conditions of the Brazilian bank worker, from the 1990's. In the specific case of the Bank of Brazil, the first initiative of the institution was to conform to the principles of the UNO and the Ethos Institute, aiming to align their domestic policies to this new strategy of domination of capital. The purpose is to place the Bank in the ideological sphere of corporate social responsibility, just as with its partners in the private financial intercapitalist competition. Indeed, in the internal ambit of the Bank of Brazil, there is a policy to adjust its functional segments to the doctrine of Social Corporate Responsibility. The concepts of this doctrine is presented as something inexorable. There are no alternatives. The Bank of Brazil operates in a highly competitive market, the segment featuring the dominance of financial capital accumulation today. For this reason it can not fail to incorporate the technological advances organizational. For employees there is no alternative but to adapt to this new set of ideas proposed by the metabolism of capital

Da aliança ao democratismo: a trajetória do PFL no Rio Grande do Norte (1985-2006)

This thesis analyzes the political and electoral trajectory of the PFL in Rio Grande do Norte from its beginning in 1985 until his last electoral dispute in 2006, before the process of rebuilding occurred in 2007. The central argument of the thesis is that the PFL occupied side by side with the PMDB the central position in the dynamic of the state partisan politics. This was due to its ability to control the process of disputes for majority positions in the state, especially for Senate vacancies. The hypothesis that support the central argument are related to the trajectory of the formation of the party still under the military regime, where the group that took over the leadership of the party enjoyed privileged conditions for the consolidation of political and electoral power. Another factor associated with their performance was the force that was developed in the second-largest electoral college in the state, Mossoró. To these hypotheses we add the role Jose Agripino Maia who, leading without competitors within the party, concentrated a large power in making decisions in face of adverse contexts to ensure (his) conditions for success in majoritarian disputes

A relação histórica entre democracia e liberalismo. Um diálogo crítico com Norberto Bobbio.

This work seeks to examine the historical relationships established between liberalism and democracy, questioning the apparent inseparability between the two ideologies. Methodologically construct a hypothetical dialogue with the Italian thinker Norberto Bobbio, one of the most important systematizers of liberal democracy, defending a theoretical and conceptual complementarity between the two ideologies. Following the Bobbio theoretical propose, it presents the political contributions of classical liberalism that the Italian thinker identify as logical and axiological antecedent of the modern democracy, naturalizing and universalizing the principles and ideals of classical liberalism. Going counter, it problematizes the political contributions of classical liberalism, emphasizing the tension between liberal theory and its practice, between the declared political principles and their translation into concrete historical reality, reserving rights and freedoms to property minority and severe restrictions to the majority. The critical analysis of classical liberalism allows questioning the privilege position that Bobbio reserves to the liberalism in the democracy history, to restore the important contribution of illiberal politics currents in the civil, political and social rights history, advocating the democracy with its social character, inclusive and participatory

Identificação de nematóides através de técnicas de processamento inteligentes de imagens

abstract

Uma leitura dos exercícios dos excursos n Os Lusíadas

The Lusiads is an epic poem, written by Luís de Camões, about the adventure of Vasco da Gama s trip and the history of Portugal. It's based on traditionals epics from the Greek and Roman poets, Homero and Virgílio. Camões followes especially their structures. However, the poet insert modifications that divert his poem from parameters established by Aristóteles for the classic epic poems. These deviations are centered mainly on the narrative subject and in the point of view. We intend to show an analysis focused on digressions from The Lusiads, in which the author, himself or by tellers characters, narrates the story in order to make his complaints, reflections and exhortations. Besides, we present general aspects of Maneirismo predominant in these digressions how evidences of modernity of the poem; as one brief outlook about the poem's projection in time and around the world. These points are importants elements of consolidation of a universal permanence of The Lusiads. That's why they have had to read and to study by the centuries, according the vision of the epoch's spirit

O reassentamento dos refugiados colombianos e palestinos no estado do Rio Grande do Norte

Since the second semester of 2004, the first refugees guided by ACNUR arrived at Potiguar s territory. Then we follow closely, with other local actors, the implementation and development of this innovative action, namely the resettlement of those refugees in Rio Grande do Norte. To accomplish this, we consider the concepts of territory, dispossession, repossession and international migration. The state of Rio Grande do Norte is a pioneer in the Northeast, in this type of action, since, before this experience, just Rio Grande do Sul and São Paulo were engaged in this kind of action. Therefore, this paper analyzes the process of resettlement of refugees, fulfilled in Rio Grande do Norte, between 2004 and 2005. The research broaches the regards that resulted in departure of these refugees from their respective territories (Colombia and Palestine) as well as the characteristics and prospects of the areas that hosted the refugees (Natal, Lajes e Poço Branco). Finally, the work deals with the results achieved afield, through interviews and photographic record, near by refugees

A democracia em rede: um estudo das manifestações recentes e o uso das redes sociais on-line

This thesis analyzes the global and Brazilian manifestations occurred since 2011, taking as a unifying and organizational element the social networks Facebook. The study was conducted through a literature survey about the protests in the streets and the Internet, in books, magazines, articles and academic papers, as well as comments on Facebook during the protests in Brazil.

Classes sociais e eleições presidenciais no Brasil contemporâneo (2002-2010)

This work aims to analyze, in terms of class, the social composition of the constituency of the presidential candidates of the Workers Party in 2002, 2006 and 2010 elections. Such research object is constructed from a preliminary critical debate with recent Brazilian electoral studies, especially the literature on the infl uence of social programs on voting and Singer’s formulations about the lulismo phenomenon. Incorporating advances and pointing out gaps in such research efforts, is formulated a roadmap for empirical research constituted of three key elements - the measure ment of the dimensions of class structure in Brazilian capitalism; the observation of material interests related to the constituents locations of such structure; the development of measures of association between the insertion in class groupings and indivi dual voting behavior. Based on the neo - Marxist approach of class analysis, especially as formulated by Wright, it is made an adaptation of the typology formulated by such approach (mainly developed by Santos to the Brazilian case) to the data available fro m databases of censuses of 2000 and 2010. This theoretical construct reveals that during the period considered for the analysis, the structure of class - relations in Brazil became more proletarized and consequently had a decrease of the dimensions of the de stitute class locations. In addition, it was found, in relation to the objective class interests, widespread increments of economic welfare that allowed advances in relation to the material conditions of the proletariat, without, however, incurring losses to the privileged class positions. Such changes in the structural sphere focused in various ways on the political arena. Based on an adaptation to electoral analysis of the concept of "class formation", also formulated by Wright, associated with the use of techniques of ecological inference (especially those proposed by King and associates), it was possible to draw up an overview of class voting in period studied. As main results, three general patterns of individual voting behavior, related to each of the three analyzed class groupings were identified - a contraposition against PT candidates, by voters in privileged class locations; the adhesion, recurring throughout the study period, of workers to Lula and Dilma Rousseff; a favorable electoral shift unde rtaken by economically deprived voters in favor of those candidatures in the 2006 election.

A ação da bancada evangélica na Câmara Municipal de Natal/RN: 2005-2008

The Evangelical Church is an institution that presents itself as a group that aims to be a mediator between society, the state and the country itself. However political practice within the churches have been somewhat taken authoritarian, manipulative, intolerant and realize this reality in the analysis of this work. While understanding that the Church as an institution has formed an opinion about what is right and wrong in their communities as a social institution can be seen in contemporary society growing religious occupation of the public sphere and in all segments of Brazilian society the presence of evangelicals. One of the challenges is the discussion of the practices of Christ when the ownership of the mandate legitimized by the vote happens, what real action is the "Christ policy"? What social contributions to retrieve people, places and cities? What is the competence to work towards promoting the other gains in health, employment, security, education? The purpose of this dissertation is to contribute to the questioning of the current logic and prevailing construction of Christian ideals in politics. Develop an investigation by reference to the absence of a study on the activity of the evangelical councilors Christmas during the period 2004 -2008, order to be able assign a value judgment based on information of projects that every evangelical councilor exercised during the 15th Legislature, occasion that the City Council received the highest representation of evangelical councilors in its history.

Contradições e disputas no “Terceiro Setor”: uma análise das organizações sociais que atuam no bairro de Felipe Camarão, Natal/RN

Contemporáneamente, parece que la relación entre el Estado y la sociedad civil ha sido modificada por los patrones de neoliberalismo que se propagan a la ideología de la responsabilidad social y, por lo tanto, la expansión del “Tercer Sector”. Así, desde la década de 1980 las Organizaciones No Gubernamentales surgen en Brasil, alcanzando un papel importante en la sociedad, como la realización de sus actividades y proyectos. Anteriormente había organizaciones, pero ahora reconocidas como ONG en este contexto. Así es como cuantitativamente se estructuraron las organizaciones de todo el país y sus acciones se vuelven más relevantes. El surgimiento de las ONG en Brasil se asocia con la lógica liberal y neoliberal que transfiere a la empresa la tarea de cuidar a los incapaces pobres y excluidos. Esta ideología trata de minimizar las necesidades sociales donde las obras del gobierno no son suficientes. Esta investigación tiene como objetivo comprender a través del análisis de entrevistas y estudio de caso como el “Tercer Sector” ha influido en la población de Felipe Camarão, Natal/RN. El objetivo principal de esta investigación es continuar el estudio y ampliar las reflexiones sobre las contradicciones y los conflictos existentes entre las organizaciones del “Tercer Sector” que trabajan en el lugar, teniendo como selección una asociación, una fundación y una ONG que trabaja en el barrio, analizar si hay o no una articulación entre las organizaciones investigadas.

Contradições e disputas no “Terceiro Setor”: uma análise das organizações sociais que atuam no bairro de Felipe Camarão, Natal/RN

Contemporáneamente, parece que la relación entre el Estado y la sociedad civil ha sido modificada por los patrones de neoliberalismo que se propagan a la ideología de la responsabilidad social y, por lo tanto, la expansión del “Tercer Sector”. Así, desde la década de 1980 las Organizaciones No Gubernamentales surgen en Brasil, alcanzando un papel importante en la sociedad, como la realización de sus actividades y proyectos. Anteriormente había organizaciones, pero ahora reconocidas como ONG en este contexto. Así es como cuantitativamente se estructuraron las organizaciones de todo el país y sus acciones se vuelven más relevantes. El surgimiento de las ONG en Brasil se asocia con la lógica liberal y neoliberal que transfiere a la empresa la tarea de cuidar a los incapaces pobres y excluidos. Esta ideología trata de minimizar las necesidades sociales donde las obras del gobierno no son suficientes. Esta investigación tiene como objetivo comprender a través del análisis de entrevistas y estudio de caso como el “Tercer Sector” ha influido en la población de Felipe Camarão, Natal/RN. El objetivo principal de esta investigación es continuar el estudio y ampliar las reflexiones sobre las contradicciones y los conflictos existentes entre las organizaciones del “Tercer Sector” que trabajan en el lugar, teniendo como selección una asociación, una fundación y una ONG que trabaja en el barrio, analizar si hay o no una articulación entre las organizaciones investigadas.