72 resultados para Direitos políticos


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This work basically achieve three goals. Critically investigate the liberal democratic regime and its historical reformulation, rejecting the popular power and popular self-organization, limiting the entry of normal citizen in decision-making, believing in the market as a mediating body in regulating of the different life spheres of social. Starting from the critical liberal democracy, it discussed the concept of popular participation in the democracy, searching new democratically horizons, where the masses could have the opportunity to make decisions about their own destiny. On the basis of theoretical discussion on participation, we discuss a concrete instrument of participation, the Participatory Budgeting, comparing two participatory experiences in North and South

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The recent democratic process in Brazil made it as element for its consolidation the idea of participation. It requires a state model that included on its agenda democratic society participation in decision-making process, and a society that has as a principle based participatory civic consciousness. Therefore, this study aims to analyze the level of political participation in two Brazilian state capitals , Natal and Porto Alegre. Data were obtained through quantitative data from the application of 384 questionnaires in both capitals. We chose some variables that will form the basis for our study; Duties of a good citizen, a good citizen rights, Confidence, Index of socialization, exposure to media, degree of interest in politics; Mobilization; Associations. Already qualitative research sought to address the political, cultural and institutional of the two municipalities

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El presente trabajo discute la Educación para la Ciudadanía en la Educación Superior, destacando los desafíos y las potencialidades de la Universidade do Estado do Rio Grande do Norte (UERN); que organiza su acción política y pedagógica conforme a las exigencias de la actual política educacional para este nivel de educación. Analiza la relación de ésta con la Educación Básica a partir del estudio del Proyecto Pedagógico del Curso de Ciencias Sociales discutiendo la educación para la ciudadanía y la formación ciudadana de los futuros profesores de la educación básica en consonancia con la LDB 9.394/96, con las Directrices Curriculares Nacionales para los cursos de Docencia y además para programas y políticas de orientación para la educación superior que resultaron de la conquistas de los movimientos sociales y que son propuestos por medio de las siguientes secretarías: Secretaria de Educação Continuada, Alfabetização e Diversidade (SECAD) y Secretaria de Educação Superior (SESu). La reflexión incluye el estudio de tales temáticas en el eje de temas emergentes que organizan el debate educacional, sobretodo en América Latina, y los desafíos de las universidades que actúan en el contexto de la periferia en la desconstrucción del dominio simbólico del colonialismo cultural y la construcción de la globalización alternativa y contra hegemónica a la globalización neoliberal. El estudio evidencia que la idea de ciudadanía en la sociabilización contemporánea presenta una ambigüedad política consecuente de los procesos de globalización creciente siendo necesario que la perspectiva de la educación para la ciudadanía adoptada en la formación de los profesionales de a educación sea re politizada a partir de la noción de ciudadanía colectiva y multicultural apoyada en los principios de democracia y justicia social, construida en las interfaces de la educación escolar y prácticas educativas en lo entorno social, y en los espacios políticos de organización y movilización colectiva en torno de las conquistas por los derechos civiles, sociales, políticos y culturales, y la inclusión de temas y valores emergentes en la educación que interligados e interdependientes, garanticen su efectividad

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The rural settlements represent a mark in the expensive historical process of fight by the land in Brazil. At first offer basic terms of survival, through the access the land and of the fundamental supports for exploration. At the same time, have stimulated organization forms politicizes of the families who manage to work with the new challenges of the everyday. The moment that follows the land conquest, and therefore, the settlements construction while life and work project, it is crossed for objective and subjective demands, with highlight for options of agricultural production and strategies of collective action. Originally formed as representation instance legitimates of the families - front to the government and social actors - the settlers associations are private spaces for political sociability, that guided by principles participative, can lead the settlers the new conquests through indeed democratic experiences. The goal of this work is to comprehend the participation forms in the scope of these associations and the way as that translates in life best terms for the group, from the settlements experiences located in the Territories of the Citizenship Mato Grande and Açu-Mossoró, in Rio Grande do Norte's State. The theoretical conceptions that guide this analysis are concentrate on discussions about democracy and participation (Patermam, Putnam, Bodernave) and in the reflections about the rural world (Medeiros, Martins, Woodman e Woodman and Bergamansco). About methodological, different point of view strategies were developed: The direct observation, the application in locate of questionnaires to the families settlers and interviews semi-structured with the internal leaderships. With that could verify that the participation forms in the associations operate in two heartfelt: Of a side, they promote assimilation opportunities of democratic abilities accompanied of notions of social rights and redefinition of political standards; Of another, it offers indeed the possibility of the settlers lead, with relative autonomy, the political organization and her changes in direction to a way of life that wish to have in the settling

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior

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Esta dissertação é um estudo sobre as representações e práticas sociais relativas à construção da conjugalidade homoafetiva e o direito de reconhecimento. Nesse contexto, são analisados os embates ideológicos decorrentes das tentativas de redefinição das representações e práticas sociais relativas à família e a conjugalidade, em sua feição heterocêntrica, a partir das disputas em torno do reconhecimento social e jurídico das uniões homoafetivas, desencadeadas no contexto da sociedade brasileira, a partir da apresentação, no Congresso Nacional, do Projeto de Lei n° 1.151/95, da Deputada Marta Suplicy, que disciplina a união civil entre pessoas do mesmo sexo

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This study has as a goal to establish a relationship between public sidewalk characteristics of Lagoa Nova District (neighborhood), in Natal and the kind of citizens whose constructions and maintenance layouts reflects. It‟s understood here as public sidewalk, specifically, the place reserved for passers-by traffic, located between public lots and vehicles pavements. It‟s a concern to make a brief survey about the occupation of this particular region and a detailed description over physical characteristic of its sidewalks that shows several obstacles for passers-by accessibility, trying to find possible factors that explain the problematic format , once, at the first sight, most of accessibility of passers-by is compromised. It‟ also, searched, local population thoughts regarding occupation notions about this environment, just like as cultural, political and economical aspects that might influence upon snatching these hybrid places located between private and public border line. It‟s confirmed that the nowadays sidewalks‟ shapes is not only citizenship reflection or a lack of it but shows it as an active agent related with the construction of this set of fundamental rights and duties vital for harmonical co-living local citizens

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According to the Public National Security Plan, the security is "[ ] a right by democratic excellence legitimately desired by all sectors of society, which is the fundamental right of citizenship, obligation of the constitutional state and responsibility of each one of us." The 1988 Constitution recognized the rights of life, liberty and personal integrity, considered torture and racial discrimination as crimes. The prime directive of the National Security and Citizenship (Law No. 11,707 of June 19, 2008 - PRONASCI-Brazil) expresses the commitment of the Brazilian state with the promotion of human rights. But despite this formal recognition, official violence continues to be used as a means of maintaining social order, consolidating a police action violating human rights (Amnesty International report "They go in shooting" - AI Index: AMR 19/025/2005) . This thesis analyzes the police work combined with the extension of citizenship rights, the spaces of freedom and democracy as a measure for the degree of affirmation or denial of the Human Rights in Brazil, and proposes the construction of a human friendly Police Force (Post - Colonial, Post-Abyss, Intercultural and Democratic)

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The World has tried diverse democratic waves at distinct moments. Some nations have adopted the idea of the democracy for years; others have not yet and other ones are still in a slow process of transition. The field of studies on the Arabian political systems has testified since the last quarter of 20th century a notorious development. This advance disclosed in the existence of a set of trends that has turned around a number of concepts and main theoretical frames such as the political pluralism and the democratic transition and the civil society and its relation with the State. The speech on the process of democratic transition consists in part in the capture and the analysis of the role of the forces and the organizations of the civil society in this process. The peculiarities of the Arab World excite questions concerning the establishment of one governmental system in this universe in the mold of that one that develops with hegemony in the Occident, which has become an interesting field of inquiries for the Political Science. This study comprises the analysis of some aspects of the political situation in the Arab World towards the process of democratization in which Egypt and Lebanon are models of study. Thus the theoretical basis of the term democracy is introduced, presenting different considerations about this expression, since the sprouting of the term until its current conception; later the civil society is analyzed as well as the systems of the political parties and the electoral systems of both countries in attempt to identify the level of democratization existing there and also to find the possible ways to magnify the democratic horizons

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This work seeks to examine the historical relationships established between liberalism and democracy, questioning the apparent inseparability between the two ideologies. Methodologically construct a hypothetical dialogue with the Italian thinker Norberto Bobbio, one of the most important systematizers of liberal democracy, defending a theoretical and conceptual complementarity between the two ideologies. Following the Bobbio theoretical propose, it presents the political contributions of classical liberalism that the Italian thinker identify as logical and axiological antecedent of the modern democracy, naturalizing and universalizing the principles and ideals of classical liberalism. Going counter, it problematizes the political contributions of classical liberalism, emphasizing the tension between liberal theory and its practice, between the declared political principles and their translation into concrete historical reality, reserving rights and freedoms to property minority and severe restrictions to the majority. The critical analysis of classical liberalism allows questioning the privilege position that Bobbio reserves to the liberalism in the democracy history, to restore the important contribution of illiberal politics currents in the civil, political and social rights history, advocating the democracy with its social character, inclusive and participatory

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The study undertakes the analysis of the constitutional warranty principle of the Absolute Priority of the children and adolescents fundamental rights concerning to the sense, reach, content, addressees and effectiveness. Then, we begin with the study of the Constitution, text where is inserted the principle on examination, opportunity on which it verifies the concept and conceptions of the Constitution, theories, functions, it normative power and the constitutional feeling. Soon after, the fundamental rights theory is analyzed, focusing your origin, importance, functions, protection, restrictions, duties, characteristics and effectiveness. Then, it is led in general to the place of the principles, moment that leans to their concept, evolution, functions, classification and characteristics. Finally, it is appreciated the principle of the Absolute Priority approaching to the meaning and reach, the normative force and importance, historical precedents, materialize rules, addressees and its normative power and enforcement

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The apparent virtuosity that if could wait of the globalization and the neoliberalism has given signals of deterioration in the contractual relations, especially in contracts of mass consumption, generating innumerable offensive situations to the basic rights and the goods constitutionally protected of the contractors. In the world of today, still that it does not reveal any desire, the individual practically is compelled to contract, for force of necessities and customs completely imposed, mainly in face of the essentiality of the services or agreed to goods. Ahead of as much and unexpected changes in the civil liames and of consumption, dictated for the globalization, it comes to surface the reflection if the private law e, more specifically, the civil law, meet prepared adequately to deal with these new parameters of the economy. The present dissertation has the intention to investigate if the globalization and the consequent neoliberalism, in this beginning of third millennium, will imply to revive of the principles and the basics paradigms of the contracts that consolidated and had kept, for more than two centuries, the liberal State. One notices that the study of this phenomenon it gains importance to the measure where if it aggravates the decline of the social State (Welfare State), with the embrittlement and the loss of the autonomy of the state authority, over all in countries of delayed modernity, as it is the case of Brazil, that presents deep deficiencies to give or to promote, with a minimum of quality and efficiency, essential considered public services to the collective and that if they find consecrated in the Federal Constitution, as basic rights or as goods constitutionally protecting, the example of the health, the education, the housing, the security, the providence, the insurance, the protection the maternity, the infancy and of aged and deficient. To the end, the incidence of constant basic rights of the man in the Constitution is concluded that, in the process of interpretation of the right contractual conflicts that have as object rights or goods constitutionally proteges, in the universe of the globalized perhaps economy and of the neoliberalismo, it consists in one of the few ways - unless the only one - that still they remain to over all deal with more adequately the contractual relations, exactly that if considers the presence of clauses generalities in the scope of the legislation infraconstitutional civil and of consumption, front the private detainers of social-economic power. To be able that it matters necessarily in disequilibrium between the parts, whose realignment depends on the effect and the graduation that if it intends to confer to the basic right in game in the private relation. The Constitution, when allowing the entailing of the basic rights in the privates relations, would be assuming contours of a statute basic of all the collective, giving protection to the man against the power, if public or independently private

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The freedom of concurrence, firstly conceived as a simple market fundament in productive systems that recognized the productive forces freedom of action, appears as a clear instrument of protection and fomentation of the market, recognizing the importance of the simultaneous existence of various economic forces such the proper capitalism reason of constitution. It has, thus, a directly role linked to the fundamental idea that the market and its productive forces needed of a protection against itself, because it exists inside the market situations and circumstances, provoked or not, that could prejudice and even annihilate the its existence and functioning, whilst a complex role of productive forces presents at all economic creation space. It was the primacy of the classic liberalism, the first phase of the capitalism. The Constitutions, in that historic moment, did not proclaim any interference at the economic scenario, simply because it recognized the existence of an economic freedom prepared to justify and guarantee the market forces, with its own rules. Based on the structural changes that occurred at the following historic moments, inside the constitutionally recognized capitalism, it was verified changes in the ambit of treatment of the freedom of concurrence principle that, in a progressive way, passes to present a configuration more concerned with socialist and developing ideas, as long as not only a market guarantee. It emerges a freedom of concurrence which aim is instrumental, in relation to its objectives and constitutional direction as a role, and not anymore stagnant and with isolated treatment, in special at the constitutional systems the present s clear aspects of social interventions and guarantor of fundamental rights more extensive and harmonious. That change is located at a space of state actuation much more ample and juridical important, this time comprehending the necessity of managing the productive scenario aiming to reach a national social and economic development effectively guarantor of fundamental rights for all citizens. Those Constitutions take as point of starting that the social and economic development, and not only anymore the economic growth, is the effective way for concretization of these rights. In that way it needs to be observed and crystallized by political and juridical tools that respect the ideological fundamental spirit of the Constitutional Charters. In that scenario that seeks for solutions of rights accomplishment, in special the social rights, the constitutional principle of freedom of concurrence has been seen as an instrument for reaching bigger values and directives, such as the social justice, which only can be real at a State that can implement a comprehensive and permanent social and economic development. The freedom of concurrence tries to valorize and defend something larger and consonant to the political values expressed in the Constitutional Charters with social character, which is the right to a social and economical sustainable development, guarantor of more clear and compromised collective benefits with social justice. The origin of that constitutional imposition is not only supported by vague orientations of the economic space, but as integrated to it, with basis formed of normative and principles posted and prepared to produce effects at the proper reason of the Constitution

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Since the second half of the 20th century, mankind concerns about life quality and environment preservation began to grow. In Brazil, the edition of the Law nº 6.938/81, that instituted the National Policy of the Environment (Política Nacional do Meio Ambiente PNMA), contributing significantly to the singular treatment towards the environment by the Federal Constitution of 1988 (Constituição Federal de 1988), can be appointed as a landmark of this awareness. The Law nº 6.938/81, following the line observed on the legislation of some Brazilian States, predicted on its 9th article the instruments of PNMA, among which the environmental licensing can be highlighted. This instrument presents itself as indispensable to the construction, installation, extension and operation of enterprises and activities that utilize environmental resources, seen as effective and potentially polluter industries, or even to those that can cause environment degradation. On a parallel way and as a consequence of this awareness, the concept of development begins to acquire a new shape. The development of a country or a region begins to consider not only economical factors, but also environmental, political, cultural and social aspects. Ecodevelopment, or sustainable development, then, arises. In this way, through research on legislation and on theme related doctrine, this work has the intention of analyzing environmental licensing as a PNMA instrument responsible for uniting economical development and the right to an ecologically balanced environment, that is, by the consecution of a truly sustainable development

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The state s evolution, after its liberal and the social stages, arrives at the post-social state, also regarded as regulatory state, which, in order to accomplish the state s aims, employs indirect interventions in the economy. The new model of administration adapts principles and concepts form the private sector such as the quest for efficience and tangible results, also striving for the decentralization of state s power to improve effectiveness before the new paradigm of handling of affairs of public interest. Present state derives its legitimacy from the efficiency principle, the legitimacy of the public administration cannot be limited to an analysis of legality, but the fulfillment of the ends envisaged by the public authority on its policies. These public policies have the objective of satisfying fundamental rights of the citizens. The access to public policies set by states as a way of enjoyment of the aforementioned rights constitute a legal and demandable path of development. The creation of public policies and the access to them must abide to the efficiency principle. This access must be taken unther the principles of legal and material equality, inasmuch as the liberty and real liberty. The access must also be observed as a matter of limited resources to grant, in reality, the access and enjoyment of these rights. The demandable nature of the access to public policies binds the public authority into broadening the range of these policies to every one who needs them. Thus, in this spectrum, the role of the Regulatory State, as the legal instruments for access of public policies as a legal path to development, is analyzed in the present work