Currículo escolar e inclusão de estudantes com deficiência: diálogos com uma escola pública

This work of qualitative approach, has as its study object the school curriculum, resulting from the implementation of public policies for inclusion in the Brazilian educational field and of the teaching organization in State School Despertar. While we acknowledge advances in government discussions and proposals related to school inclusion in our country, it is still important to develop studies and interventions in the context of basic education focused on the curriculum. With methodological basis in collaborative-critical action research and contribution by Barbier, the survey was conducted in 2013, in a state school in the Natal - Rio Grande do Norte - school system, and aimed to analyze the curriculum of the State School Despertar, in particular issues related to the inclusion of students with disabilities in common teaching classes expressed in the school and in collective situations of continuing education with teachers and interpreter of Brazilian Sign Language (Libras). The school was previously chosen because it had already been locus of research in a study conducted by a professor at the Federal University of Rio Grande do Norte promoting the knowledge of their formative needs. The study subjects were 26 teachers in the early years and the end of elementary school and a Libras interpreter. The instruments were direct observation, semi-structured interviews, document analysis and a proposal for continuing education called Collaborative Group on School Inclusion (GCEI), established with the participating subjects and the other research collaborators. The analyzed data showed eight dialogues built with the State School Despertar, being basic the contributions of Goffman (1988) on stigma and of Forquin (1993) on school culture. As a theoretical framework, there were important contributions on School Curriculum (SACRISTÁN, 2000; 2007; APPLE, 2006; 2008), School Inclusion (BUENO, 2008), Continuing Education (NÓVOA, 2002; GATTI, 2003) and the existing studies on the dialogues between Curriculum and Special Education (MAGALHÃES, 2002; SILVA, 2008; 2010; OLIVEIRA, 2004; VIEIRA, 2012). The study highlighted the importance of extending the dialogue, the theoretical deepening of GCEI for the understanding of school curriculum and the specifics of any students, with or without disability. It will be necessary to revisit the school teaching practices that do not correspond to the students, for instance the formation of classes made in classrooms. It is also important to consider the organization of the school day and its interface with the pedagogical functions of each member of the school in building curriculum practices consistent with the diversity of modes and learning styles. Subliminal aspects of the curriculum should be reviewed, given its implications in the context of the classroom and management. However, significant changes identified in the practices of some teachers, such as the use of audio description, stimulus to the participation of students with disabilities and use of images, favored the development of other students, who benefit of more exciting and participatory classes. Based on the conducted research, we conclude on the importance of collectively discuss the conditions for / in schooling of different students and the (re)thinking of curriculum practices in the school as a whole, and therein lies a paradox because, on the one hand, it is not about minimizing the specific knowledge in dealing with the needs of students with disabilities, on the other, we are not interested in distancing these needs from those inherent in human nature, therefore peculiar to the other students. The questioning of our own practices is the challenge imposed, not to special education, or its target audience, but this is undoubtedly task of education.

O comportamento eleitoral da nova classe trabalhadora no Rio Grande do Norte 2014: ideologia, avaliação de governo e voto

This thesis investigates the voting behavior of the fractions of the new working class in Rio Grande do Norte, more specifically in the cities of Natal, Mossoró and Caicó, from the presidential election of 2014. This research examined the ideology, the evaluation of government and guidance the vote of a portion of the working classes of RN voters. In Brazil, from 2003, socio-economic change has occurred perceptibly, especially in a part of the working classes who ascended socially and switched to the "C economic class." Thus, there was this period, a significant expansion of this social stratum. The expansion of the "class C" in the past decade in Brazil raised the academic debate and in the media about the emergence of a "new middle class". Neri (2008) termed the "class C" of the "new middle class" and that will be the central part of their studies. But the debate on the "new middle class" can not be simplistic to the point of considering that social mobility, the main variable income, entered this segment of the population in the middle class, because it has different specificities of the popular classes. To understand this phenomenon, the income variable was outdated, adding the importance of ownership of the means of production, control of labor power and the symbolic values in the division of social classes resulting in three fractions of the new working class: the management positions, non-heads and small fighters. In this study, using as a complement to the sociological approach (ideologies and social classes) and the performance evaluation was identified that the new working class (heads) mainly reproduced the ideological and political positioning of the middle class, resulting in the rejection of PT governments (2003-2014) and it’s social, compensatory and redistributive policies. From what has been seen, the new working class (chiefs) approaches the ideological and political behavior of the middle class that will reflect in their electoral choices and class interests. The new working class (not heads and small fighters who voted in the situation) because of its classist and ideological interests approached the Workers' Party positively evaluating the Lula-Dilma governments (2003-2014) due to the implementation of compensatory policies, and redistributive programs government turned to the popular classes. In a counterpoint, the voters of the new working class (not heads and small fighters) who voted null, reproduced the discourse of mainstream media and the middle class about the rejection of compensatory policies, redistribution and government programs of Lula-Dilma governments, and consequently they disapproved of the government Dilma and her candidacy.