Imagens e contra-imagens do estado": considerações sobre a sociedade civil em Gramsci e Habermas

The theme of civil society has resonated significantly in the analysis of social science studies and has long been the center of public opinion, applied to a vast range of contexts, significances and political ideological connotations. Starting with such an unstable theoretical scenario, our research proposal scrutinized two civil society analysis traditions. Embodied by Antonio Gramsci and Jürgen Habermas, these politically conceptual differences are significantly divided into distinct interpretations of the relationship between the state and civil society. On one side, in Gramsci's work, we observe civil society as historically constituted through "molecular expansion of the state", organizing itself during its obligatory constitutive moment. On the other, Habermas shows us a civil society instituted from the structural differentiation process of society developed due to the contradiction existing between the different ways the state administration is organized, the economy and daily social interaction (in which it is found). As a consequence, civil society is no longer seen as a political arena and the hegemonic catalyst of the state, but as a social arrangement destined to increase the viability of the ethical and dialogical reconstruction of social life. It follows that the understanding of the distinctions between both models of civil society become crucial in the measure that they are divided in relation to the delineation of acting agents, fighting strategies, and to the objective of their actions.Despite the existence of analytical dissonance, we intend to outline the common points between both these civil society analysis traditions whose conflicting political action models lead us to a greater understanding of our contemporary political scene. This will be done starting with the systematization of both selected authors' principal categories, and through the introduction of the "contra-hegemonic public sphere" concept

Micarande: festa do povo?

Contemporary politics have assumed new configurations both in the way they are carried out and in the content publicized. Nevertheless, some practices are unchanged since antiquity. But the advent of the media and its circumstantial molding of current society have forced politics to make some changes to adapt both to mass media and to the new social practices in liberal democracy. Given that fact, this study tried to demonstrate how power has become personalized in Campina Grande, Paraíba, Brazil, by a politician named Cássio Cunha Lima. Through the communications media and popular manifestations, he has been trying to create a symbiosis between Micarande a Carnival party (not held in the traditional Mardi Gras week) and his own public image, elaborating a process that identifies him with that event. In that way, he hopes to appropriate the festival and project his political image by using the party as na electoral currency in his publicity campaigns

Visões de um quadro complexo: a violência policial no espelho das representações sociais

In the last three decades, the Brazilian social dynamics evidenced increasing requirements in the public security, in the search not only for efficient and efficient police institutions, however that they added in its daily one, positions more adjusted to the Democratic State of Right and a bigger respect to the human rights and the citizenship. In this direction, the practical one of the police violence has been hardly debated in the media and the academics institutions, in the search for elements that clarify its roots and elements of intervention that allow to its control and reduction. The research considers, from the study of the social representations constructed by the soldiers of the Military Policy of the Rio Grande do Norte, having as objects the police violence, searching to evidence the central elements of these representations and its practical reproduction in the daily one, while a products of habitus effective in the institution

Violência, mídia e juventude: análise sobre o discurso adotado pelo jornalismo impresso sobre a realidade violenta de jovens da periferia da cidade do Natal

The work that follows has as its main objective the analysis of the discourse of media, with emphasis on newspapers printed on acts and events involving young offenders. The speech adopted by columnists of newspapers, based on formulas and journalistic practices exist, allows the reader a view of what happened in detail. But this wealth of information, contradictorily, it seems not permit, much less to encourage reflection on the what is being read. All information contained in narrative journalism seem to point to the establishment of maintenance of speech reinante of violence and repression against young offenders, from, and generally in the vast majority of cases, from poor neighborhoods and suburbs of large cities. The whole range of such important issues directly related to violence committed by these young people does not appear, does not appear in the text journalism. Words such as "marginal", "square" reinforce prejudices, stigmas against the youth, putting the company on constant alert against such "criminals", "malandros." The result of the survey was partial, but can conclude about the importance of the media against those social phenomena that amedrontam the society at present

Juventude universitária nos anos 1980: as práticas culturais do movimento estudantil na UFRN

The 1980s, at UFRN represented a moment of resumption of student struggles. The major goals of the student movement in this period was the fight against the authoritarian regime and for the democracy within and outside the university. In this context, events, activities, artistic and cultural productions were organized in order to make a critical policy for the procedure, trying to establish a dialogue between the university community and the population. Our work has made a research on cultural practices of the student movement in the 1980s. We did an analysis on the process of democratic transition in Brazil, the political participation of youth, their cultural practices in the country, society and politics in the RN, the student movement at UFRN and its cultural practices. We also discussed the concept of culture and cultural practices, but also pointed each of the the main activities and cultural productions organized by students of UFRN in that period. As methodological resource, were used the oral sources, the academic literature on the subject and newspaper pieces, newsletters and advertisement material of the students

Dos movimentos sociais às funções institucionais: a Consolidação de uma geração política em Sergipe.

This study was presented to the Post-Graduation Program in Social Sciences at UFRN as part of the requisites for obtaining the title of Master in Social Sciences. It describes the results of the research From social movements to the institutional functions: the consolidation of a generation . Its main objective is to describe the history of a political generation that emerged from the social movements, in the 80 s, in Sergipe, and that nowadays occupies the main governmental positions in the State s political scenario. As its specific objectives, the research described the emerging of social movements in the 80s in Sergipe; it found in the social movements in Sergipe, in the 80s, the beginning of the history of a new political generation, and described the consolidation of this new political generation in institutional positions as the expression of a new group of power in Sergipe s politics. Among the social movements that gained visibility in that period and that projected their leadership into the political scenario of Sergipe, this study highlights: the students movement, teacher s movement, bank clercks movement, miners movement, and rural workers movement. It utilized as methodology the research in sites, magazines, and the use of testimonies from semi-structured interviews. The main leadership of the five movements that were analyzed is, nowadays, governing the state, administering the capital s city hall, and performing legislative work at the Legislative Assembly of Sergipe, and at the Chamber of City Councilmen of Aracaju. This study described the political history of the main leadership of that generation of militants and organizers of social movements, and of left party groups in Sergipe, highlighting that their consolidation in the political scenario of the State meant the consolidation of a new group of power in Sergipe s politics.

A mídia impressa sergipana nas eleições para governador em 2006: cobertura do Cinform, correio de Sergipe e jornal da cidade

The elections for governor in 2006 with its victory Marcelo Déda Workers Party (PT), were a landmark in the state of Sergipe, for the first time, called progressive fronts (an alliance of parties formed mostly by origin of the left) broke the hegemony of two political groups, Franco and the Alves, whose direction was in force for over 30 years. This study proceeds on the assumption that the print media has certain standards of conduct in covering the election period. Therefore, this study seeks to quantify, classify and compare data from three newspapers more representative of the State of Sergipe (Cinform, Cidade Journal and Correio de Sergipe) to analyze the behavior of these journals, such as private apparatus of hegemony in election coverage 2006. It also uses the concept of hegemony Gramsci and theories of journalism framing (Entman and Porto) and agenda setting (McCombs and Shaw) to identify these patterns

Greve do voto: a política da antipolítica nas eleições municipais de 2004 em Fortaleza

This study discusses the use of communication strategies in the dispute for political hegemony in the contemporary society. In order to do so, one starts from the concept of politics in its broad sense, involving, besides parties and parliaments, the groups and organized social movements. The comprehension that the political activity, nowadays, involves the media, made part of this study be focused on the investigation of problems in this relationship. We analyzed, especially, the communication actions promoted by the Grupo Crítica Radical, in which participate, among others, Maria Luiza Fontenelle, former mayor of Fortaleza, and Rosa da Fonseca, former concillor. They left their old parties after a process of self-criticism concerning their incumbencies, partly influenced by the books of Robert Kurz about the collapse of capitalism . After this historical contextualization, one starts the analysis of the campaign Greve do Voto promoted by the Group during the municipal elections of 2004. The production of campaign material, the street drama, the small shows and the fact that the press covered the campaign are discussed starting from the theoretical formulations presented on this research, understanding, this way, the challenge of these groups to build an action against the hegemony allied to the universe of the mass media

Os programas de governo no horário gratuito de propaganda eleitoral:um estudo das eleições governamentais no Rio Grande do Norte em 2006

In Brazil, the Free Political advertising time (HGPE) represents one of the main venues for the contest between political parties, revealing a tool that streamlines the electoral dispute and enables all sectors and social classes of important information about dispute over candidates. In HGPE, political groups have the opportunity to present their programs of government and discuss issues that relate to the demands of the population. This research sought to examine the role played by so-called "government programs" in the electoral race for governor of Rio Grande do Norte in 2006, which had as main candidates, two traditional characters of the political landscape in Natal: Wilma de Faria (PSB) and Garibaldi Alves Filho (PMDB). According to our analysis, discussion of government programs such candidates in HGPE had not meant to enlighten the voters about the political projects designed, not just the desire to build an image of seriousness and competence of candidates, but appeared as a means to meet the schedule imposed by the opponent and as a strategic resource to select a specific segment of the electorate.

Eleições, pesquisas e estratégias de marketing: a campanha eleitoral de Micarla de Sousa em Natal (2008)

From the importance that the political science and the social sciences began to give the electoral programs on TV, were examined in that work academic the effects of research in electoral marketing strategies in Gratuitous Timetable of the Electoral Publicity of the marketing year the candidate Micarla de Sousa (PV) in 2008 for the prefecture of Natal. To analyze the marketing strategies of electoral candidate Micarla de Sousa were used three sources of data: the HGPE on the first part, The interview with the coordinator's marketing campaign of Micarla de Sousa, José Ivan and the quantitative research carried out by the Office IBOPE before and during the period of HGPE. In the analysis of electoral programs, was used the qualitative and quantitative approach, taking as objective to verify whether there was some change in marketing strategy in the candidate Micarla HGPE. So the electoral programs that candidate were transcribed and analyzed and then faced with the results of researches electoral IBOPE carried out in the same period. The interview with the coordinator's marketing campaign the candidate Micarla de Sousa brought relevant information on the construction of public image at the time pre-electoral and electoral. In search of IBOPE, socioeconomic variables were regarded assex, age, education and income. With the collection of this data, there was an intersection of information about the voting intentions of Micarla candidate for mayor of Natal and it was checked how his candidacy has increased or decreased within the surveyed segments and how these oscillations marketing strategies directed at the candidate's HGPE for any specific audience. Also, do not forget that the electoral process is influenced by various factors, because this process is dynamic

Estado e sociedade civil no Acre (1970-1980)

The relation between State and civil society is not a very recent discussion, but it does not mean that debate is exhausted, since is in the historical context that the novelty is seized. Thinking like this, we may analyze how the relation between state and civil society happened in Acre during the decade of 1970. But, to understand how this relation is established in faraway Acre, we have available to the reader historical analyses, in a tireless attempt to clarify minimally aspects that characterize acreana society. To do this, we take on as a departure point, in general not differentiating of the given structure at national level, the conformation of this society was guided in a passive revolution, in another way, by high transformismo, relegating to the civil society, which is incipient, pífia a simple participation in the hegemonic policy direction. All this brings us to the thought that both state bureaucracy structure and the civil society organization, were influenced decisively for a traditional political elite. In addition, we begin the work with the lifting bibliographic reference searching and then we analyze the empirical reality, such as newspapers, official media publications and private, a few documents and last, interviews with political actors associated with the process consolidation of civil society in the 1970 decade. The interviewees were selected, firstly for their location in the region, and for their outstanding contribution to the consolidating process of recent Acre history. Thus, the interviews followed up on a semi-structured way, leading up, also, for the informations that the interviewees would have to pass on. The systematization and analysis of these surveys have shown us that, in the period before of the Acre Federal State lifting had, of course, a transformismo by high, but at 1970decade, the society with a more heterogeneous social formation, is not allowed, or at least, organize itself, to counter a systematic imposition. Thus, the hegemonic area of dispute between State and civil society occurs from the "reconciliation" with the adoption of public policies that amenizasse the dispute between both spheres, and to build up some bodies, settling a acreana civil society.

Redes sociais e a lógica do desvio comportamental em relação às normas de trabalho

This paper aim to check a hypothesis that assumes several behaviors related to social work norm´s obeying as a phenomenon that can be explained by actor´s social network structure and the rational choice processes related to the social norm inside that network, principally the payoff´s analysis received by the closest actors, or neighbors, at a social situation. Taking the sociological paradigm of rational action theory as a basis, the focus is on a debate about the logic of social norms, from Émile Durkheim´s method to Jon Elster´s theory, but also including social network analysis´s variables according to Robert Hanneman; and also Vilfredo Pareto´s constants related to human sociability, at the aim to detect elements that can help the scholars to develop an agent based model which could explain the sociological problem of deviance by a better way than the common sense´s view about morality and ethics at a social work environment

Da proteção à precarização um estudo do fenômeno jurídico trabalhista no contexto das transformações do capitalismo

This research aims to investigate the effectiveness of the legal labor phenomenon in contemporary capitalism as rectifier element of the contradictions between capital and labor. From the analysis of legislative developments - state and business - and court decisions related to the category of freight transport is expected to determine the protectionist stiffness proclaimed by the institutional structure of labor in Brazil, considered by the hegemonic discourse as political-economic factor that prevents growth. It is intended to unravel the relationships between political and civil society, studying the internal contradictions and ideological influence among these spaces, with theoretical support in Marx and Gramsci. The function of this research is to test the premise that the protectionist discourse is a rational action of capitalism and the organic intellectuals of political society in order to achieve hegemony and hide the real contradictions between capital and labor, in addition to also assist in the discussion on deregulation and easing in Brazil. The analysis points to the confirmation of our premise, since the evolution of the legal phenomenon in the transport sector was charging toward the neoliberal project

Mercado de trabalho, ocupações e rendimentos: a Região Metropolitana de Natal na década de 1990

The aim of this study is the labour market at Natal Metropolitan Region with emphasis in occupations and incomes that took place at the nineties. The definition of its chronological boundaries passed by verification of existence of evident socio-spatial impacts for output, occupation and income in national economy, with rebounds in all national territory, conditioned by institutional and socio-economical transformations which marked Brazilian insertion to capital flows and commodities globalization movement that took place at the cited decade. It has been shown that such impacts did not distributed themselves equally between diverse spatial levels (great regions, federate unities, municipalities) because of historical specificities in each place in terms of output structures and organization of distinct social agents. Having as its basis the Marxist perspective, it tackled theoretically occupations and incomes, transformations in labour universe occurred at world level, mainly in most urbanized areas, and following that to focus changes occurred in Brazilian society related to the search for competitive insertion in global economy during the period regarded. Special attention was gave to Natal Metropolitan Region, because it was historically a concentration area for investments, productive structure, people, occupations and incomes generated/appropriated in Rio Grande do Norte State. The basic data sources for research were the demographic Census (micro data) made by the Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatística (IBGE) intending to present the structure and the labour market dynamics, having as basis: 1) traditional indicators about labour market; 2) sectors of economic activities and 3) social positions and classes segments. One of the purposes is the demonstration that occupations and incomes keep relation with the restructuring which occurred in each specific sector during the period. Other purpose is to make explicit the factors which bear the participation of distinct segments in production or service execution that make possible the different participation in income distribution. Results are revealing the increasin precariousness in labour market, enlargement of occupations in tertiary sector and greater concentration of average incomes in the social segments which were owners of the greatest capital allowances between residents in Natal Metropolitan Region during the nineties