Classes sociais e eleições presidenciais no Brasil contemporâneo (2002-2010)

This work aims to analyze, in terms of class, the social composition of the constituency of the presidential candidates of the Workers Party in 2002, 2006 and 2010 elections. Such research object is constructed from a preliminary critical debate with recent Brazilian electoral studies, especially the literature on the infl uence of social programs on voting and Singer’s formulations about the lulismo phenomenon. Incorporating advances and pointing out gaps in such research efforts, is formulated a roadmap for empirical research constituted of three key elements - the measure ment of the dimensions of class structure in Brazilian capitalism; the observation of material interests related to the constituents locations of such structure; the development of measures of association between the insertion in class groupings and indivi dual voting behavior. Based on the neo - Marxist approach of class analysis, especially as formulated by Wright, it is made an adaptation of the typology formulated by such approach (mainly developed by Santos to the Brazilian case) to the data available fro m databases of censuses of 2000 and 2010. This theoretical construct reveals that during the period considered for the analysis, the structure of class - relations in Brazil became more proletarized and consequently had a decrease of the dimensions of the de stitute class locations. In addition, it was found, in relation to the objective class interests, widespread increments of economic welfare that allowed advances in relation to the material conditions of the proletariat, without, however, incurring losses to the privileged class positions. Such changes in the structural sphere focused in various ways on the political arena. Based on an adaptation to electoral analysis of the concept of "class formation", also formulated by Wright, associated with the use of techniques of ecological inference (especially those proposed by King and associates), it was possible to draw up an overview of class voting in period studied. As main results, three general patterns of individual voting behavior, related to each of the three analyzed class groupings were identified - a contraposition against PT candidates, by voters in privileged class locations; the adhesion, recurring throughout the study period, of workers to Lula and Dilma Rousseff; a favorable electoral shift unde rtaken by economically deprived voters in favor of those candidatures in the 2006 election.

Alianças eleitorais em Natal (2008): O PT e seus aliados

Este estudo faz uma abordagem sobre as alianças eleitorais, destacando duas vertentes importantes nos processos de suas formações nas arenas políticas. Na primeira parte do trabalho é feita uma análise mais geral a respeito da problemática em questão. Onde dois ciclos políticos são analisados, apresentando o comportamento político-partidário dos partidos no Brasil. No primeiro ciclo, uma breve compreensão da política café-com-leite na República Velha, na qual, PRP e PRM dominam politicamente a arena nacional. O segundo ciclo, compreendido de 1945 a 1964, foram analisados os processos eleitorais estaduais e nacionais. Nestes, os resultados analíticos mostram o que refletem no comportamento político-partidário dos partidos do passado e do presente no país. Outro aspecto importante também abordado na primeira parte foi a verticalização das alianças eleitorais, a qual teve como objetivo impor harmonia partidária entre os partidos nas formações das alianças eleitorais. Revendo esse processo político, vimos que, a imposição da verticalização não resolveu o problema da inexistência harmônica dos partidos no ato da formação das alianças eleitorais tocante ao espectro ideológico. A segunda parte da pesquisa está dividida em duas partes. A primeira faz uma análise sobre a trajetória política do PT e suas políticas de alianças, que se inicia no V Encontro Nacional do Partido em 1987. Como consequência da expansão partidária, outras políticas de alianças são aprovadas pelo Partido dos Trabalhadores. Na segunda parte, é trabalhada as eleições municipais de 2008 em Natal, que observa analiticamente a campanha do PT e as alianças eleitorais realizadas pelo Partido para participar do pleito. Os velhos adversários políticos e oligárquicos formaram alianças com PT. Partido que nasceu combatendo as velhas práticas da política conservadora no nosso país, nos estados e nos municípios brasileiros

ACRE: uma experiência inovadora de Governança?

About two decades ago Brazil has been suffered some important political changes on its government and supporter systems. In these changes the Partido dos Trabalhadores (Workers support) has been researched significant results as much legislation as executive ways. These conquests propitiate a structure for it to get an alternative motion in order to manage public goods by petista government way. Trying to examinate this we can study the Partido dos Trabalhadores government experience in Acre (1999-2002) to know about why the PT government characteristics are different from the others. To do this we assumed to conjecture a popular participation with priorities inversion and ethics in public resources administration. These are the elements of PT government way. This way we started our work making an evaluation of its bibliography. Them we do a field inquiry to analyses documents of the government projects (budget rules law, papers, approved laws, IBGE, PNUD, TSE) and semi-structured interviews with some characters of recent political Acres life. The scheme and the analysis about these givens disclose that weren t confirmed our hypothesis in part, since PT remained old local politics habitus. In other side the executive administration on PT government has got to inflect the Governance . Further on an efficient management as World Bank dispossess but PT absolve many requests of progressive sectors as well it expanded the society participation to resolutions process. By a cabinets enlargement. So it rescues a total administrative course which is printed in the called petista government way. Personally we think so it means important advancements in this Acre government way

O Partido Comunista (1922-1962): lugar de memória, espaço de disputa

This work studies the dispute by Party Communist s memory in Brazil during and after division which it resulted in the appearance of two parties entitled communists, in the brazilian political context, in the final of the fifties and beginning of the sixties: the Brazilian Communist Party (in Portuguese, Partido Comunista Brasileiro) and the Communist Party of Brazil (in portuguese, Partido Comunista do Brasil). Along of yours three chapters, the author tries to answer some questions as: what were the elements which constituted the Communist Party s memory, in the period from 1922 to 1956? At which moment did this memory pass to be fiercely contested? Who and which documents reveal this? How did it happen the dispute by this memory? The approach to topic consider which the production of memory by Communist Party and the dispute for your possession by communists of PCB and of PCdoB happened in scope of national reality and of party, spaces notions understand from concept of memory developed for authors as Halbwachs, Le Goff, Pollack and Pierre Nora. To explain the objectives of historical research it has used as methodology the exam and the interpretation of documentary and bibliographical sources, with priority for the party s documents then it was depicted a collective interpretation about the events considered more importants. The sites of Partido Comunista do Brasil (www.pcdob.org.br or vermelho.org.br) and of Partido Popular Socialista (www.pps.org.br) also went consulted

O comportamento eleitoral da nova classe trabalhadora no Rio Grande do Norte 2014: ideologia, avaliação de governo e voto

This thesis investigates the voting behavior of the fractions of the new working class in Rio Grande do Norte, more specifically in the cities of Natal, Mossoró and Caicó, from the presidential election of 2014. This research examined the ideology, the evaluation of government and guidance the vote of a portion of the working classes of RN voters. In Brazil, from 2003, socio-economic change has occurred perceptibly, especially in a part of the working classes who ascended socially and switched to the "C economic class." Thus, there was this period, a significant expansion of this social stratum. The expansion of the "class C" in the past decade in Brazil raised the academic debate and in the media about the emergence of a "new middle class". Neri (2008) termed the "class C" of the "new middle class" and that will be the central part of their studies. But the debate on the "new middle class" can not be simplistic to the point of considering that social mobility, the main variable income, entered this segment of the population in the middle class, because it has different specificities of the popular classes. To understand this phenomenon, the income variable was outdated, adding the importance of ownership of the means of production, control of labor power and the symbolic values in the division of social classes resulting in three fractions of the new working class: the management positions, non-heads and small fighters. In this study, using as a complement to the sociological approach (ideologies and social classes) and the performance evaluation was identified that the new working class (heads) mainly reproduced the ideological and political positioning of the middle class, resulting in the rejection of PT governments (2003-2014) and it’s social, compensatory and redistributive policies. From what has been seen, the new working class (chiefs) approaches the ideological and political behavior of the middle class that will reflect in their electoral choices and class interests. The new working class (not heads and small fighters who voted in the situation) because of its classist and ideological interests approached the Workers' Party positively evaluating the Lula-Dilma governments (2003-2014) due to the implementation of compensatory policies, and redistributive programs government turned to the popular classes. In a counterpoint, the voters of the new working class (not heads and small fighters) who voted null, reproduced the discourse of mainstream media and the middle class about the rejection of compensatory policies, redistribution and government programs of Lula-Dilma governments, and consequently they disapproved of the government Dilma and her candidacy.

A mídia impressa sergipana nas eleições para governador em 2006: cobertura do Cinform, correio de Sergipe e jornal da cidade

The elections for governor in 2006 with its victory Marcelo Déda Workers Party (PT), were a landmark in the state of Sergipe, for the first time, called progressive fronts (an alliance of parties formed mostly by origin of the left) broke the hegemony of two political groups, Franco and the Alves, whose direction was in force for over 30 years. This study proceeds on the assumption that the print media has certain standards of conduct in covering the election period. Therefore, this study seeks to quantify, classify and compare data from three newspapers more representative of the State of Sergipe (Cinform, Cidade Journal and Correio de Sergipe) to analyze the behavior of these journals, such as private apparatus of hegemony in election coverage 2006. It also uses the concept of hegemony Gramsci and theories of journalism framing (Entman and Porto) and agenda setting (McCombs and Shaw) to identify these patterns

Representações sociais dos trabalhadores de saúde da atenção básica sobre envelhecimento e o atendimento ao idoso

This study aims to identify the social representations built on senior care health workers of Primary Care. This is an exploratory research within the subsidized social representations held in 100 Basic Health Units in the city of João Pessoa-PB, with a sample of n= 204 workers of both sexes, who agreed to participate. To collect the data used to set an interview in two parts: the first looked at the Test of Free Association of Words using the inductive stimulus "senior care". The interviews were analyzed with the help of a software for quantitative analysis of textual data ALCESTE (version 2010). The results were interpreted from the theoretical framework of social representations. The study included 178 women (87.25%) and 26 men (12.75%), working in Family Health Units in the city of João Pessoa, the majority are aged between 40-49 years of age ( 28.92%), and have higher education with 81.86%. The results of Alceste link to the term inducer six (6) where the hierarchical classes representing senior care workers as synonymous with care and attention, showing situations neglect of the elderly, for that patience is required to promote the increase of disease prevention and living with the elderly to generate humanization in health services. It is considered that the social representations of health workers on assistance to the elderly may support modeling of strategic actions in health services with health promotion programs for large groups, able to modify practices and behavior in elder care and strengthening the policy was directed at the elderly

Caracterização sócio-demográfica, ocupacional e de formação profissional de manipuladores de alimentos e bebidas em uma capital da região nordeste do Brasil

Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte

Aspectos socioeconômicos e demográficos relacionados ao estresse e a síndrome de Burnout em fisioterapeutas no Brasil

Dos problemas de saúde existentes no ambiente de trabalho, 18% afetam o aparelho psíquico, a exemplo do estresse, atingindo cerca de 30% dos trabalhadores em geral. A persistência e intensidade do estresse, associada às sucessivas tentativas de lidar com os mesmos, tornam os indivíduos vulneráveis ao surgimento da Síndrome deBurnout. O objetivo deste trabalho foi identificar a relação dos aspectos socioeconômicos e demográficos com o estresse e a Síndrome de Burnout em fisioterapeutas do Brasil. Para isso, este estudo teve uma abordagem do tipo transversal, com 1040 fisioterapeutas do Brasil, através de uma amostragem do tipo snowbolle não probabilística. Utilizou-se um questionário socioeconômico, demográfico e profissional, a Escala de Estresse no Trabalho (EET) e a adaptação do Cuestionario para la Evaluación del Síndrome de Quemarse por el Trabajo (CESQT). Na análise dos dados, foram utilizadas a estatística descritiva e inferencial. Dentre os principais resultados obtidos, percebeu-se uma maior representatividade da região Nordeste (48,7%), com idade média de 31anos, sexo feminino (75,7%), carga horária semanal de 35,4 horas, com 3-5 anos de atuação profissional. Observou-se que 37,0% apresentavam estresse relacionado estatisticamente com a idade (p=0,008),atividade física (p=0,039) e satisfação com a saúde (r=-0,322; p<0,001). Não foi observado nenhum caso de Burnout, porém houve uma média elevada nas dimensões, desgaste psíquico, indolência e culpa, totalizando 49,0% comtendência ao desenvolvimento da síndrome. Portanto, as variáveis, idade, prática da atividade física e satisfação com a saúde obtiveramrelação com o estresse. Para o Burnout, destacaram-se a região de moradia (centro-oeste), satisfação com a saúde, local de trabalho (clínicas e hospitais), além do maior número de locais de trabalho. Diante desse contexto, os estudos sobre o estresse e a Síndrome de Burnout se apresentam como elementos derelevância dentro do contexto da prevenção dos riscos laborais e da análise das condições de trabalho

A transformação da Associação de Professores do Rio Grande do Norte (APRN) em Sindicato dos Trabalhadores em Educação (1986-1990)

El estudo que ahora apresentamos habla a respecto ala transformaçión de la Asociación de maestros del Rio Grande del Norte (APRN en sindicato de los trabajadores en educación (SINTE) en el período de 1986 1990. Tratase basicamiente de las razones que llebaran historicamente la APRN la reorganizar sus luchas, su cultura política y el su movimiento reivindicatório; que impulsionaran la construción del próprio sindicato el único de la categoria, após el regime militar em el país especialmente en el gobierno Sarney, y en el ánbito estadual com la resistência la política econômica y la repreción policial del gobierno Geraldo Melo, la época. El estudo también apunta algunas caraterísticas marcantes del contexto histórico de la educación nacional, enfatizando la asención de la escuela nueva en el Brasil en las décadas de 1920 y 1930, inclusive delante del movimiento sindical, controlado por el gobierno Vargas que tênia uma praetica corporativista. Es importante decir que esas características estavan juntas del contexto local, en el rato en que se percebia la primer gestan del prof Anfilóquio Cámara, como el primer presidente de la APRN, al partir de la su fundación (1920), y que tênia um relacionamento bastante estrecho com el poder público estadual de caráter liberal. Habia una discución sobre la abertura política y la atuación política de las clases médias brasileñas ya em 1979, y al mismo tiempo analisabase el desencandeamiento del nuevo sindicalismo en el ABC Paulista, mientras uno movimiento sindical, autônomo y democrático que tênia el objetivo de juntar lãs luchas de los operários dentro y fuera de las fábricas reivindicando basicamiente: la redución de la jornada del trabajo, reajuste de sueldo y condición del trabajo, bien como lãs sus consecuencias para el movimiento de los educadores potigurares. Al hacer en septembre de 1989, el sindicato de los trabajadores en educación del Rio Grande del Norte se desvincula definitivamiente de uma estructura sindical vertical (tradicional), que la ex-APRN herdo al longo de su História del gobierno Vargas, siempre controlada pelo Estado y que en las décadas de 1980 y 1990 fue fortalecido por la CNTE (Confederación Nacional de los Trabajadores en la, educación), principalmente, a partir del Congreso Nacional de Unificación de los Trabajadores en la Educación, realizado en Aracaju/SE em el período de 25 a 28 de enero de 1990 en el sentido tambien de las sus principais reivindicaciones: escuela pública, gratuita y de cualidades en todos los pasos, verbas públicas solamiente para las escuelas públicas, reposición de los reajustes de sueldo, condición del trabajo, sueldo unificado nacional y la eradicación del analfabetismo

Em busca do tempo partido: a consciência histórica e o MST

The work that follows is dedicated to the study of the historic time experience by the political militancy from our time. The political militant from the left-wing is the one that denies the state of current things, recovering a historic experience located far before its time and projecting a future beyond the incessant reproduction of the present relations. We chosen the Landless Workers Movement, not as study object, but as specific place where this consciousness is made and can be comprehended. The historic consciousness study of the landless militancy is, for us, the best starting point to understand the magnification of the historical time operated on the change of social relations lived inside an organization. The time division between before and after, as well as the history being understood as a progress isn t a natural given data, but a construction that obeys the contradictions of the present. It, therefore, must understand how the present lived by the militancy operates changes on the consciousness of time. From documents, reference books, formation notebooks and several materials produced by MST, we try to understand the way that the movement tells his history and lists with this wider experience of the struggle for the change of the current social order. Similarly, when we hear reports of history of several militants, we try to comprehend how this wider narrative re-orients the sight over history himself, over the experience of contradictions on before and after making the landless militant

As razões da esquerda radical PCB, PSTU e PSOL: estrutura organizativa e objetivos políticos

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior

Evangelizar e politizar :O sentido da atuação da Igreja Católica com os sindicatos dos trabalhadores rurais no Seridó potiguar (1964-1979)

The purpose of this work is to analyze the influence of the Catholic Church on rural worker s union in the Seridó potiguar region between 1964 to 1979. To the work developed by the Church is connected the beginning of worker s union in the Seridó region. In this way, this research tries to understand what is also the politic direction of the labor s union by means of the Cathólic Church that througt a process of creating Leagues have been looking for reinforcing and protecting catholicism as a way of maintaining its believers and distancing them from others movements such as Peasant League and the influence of Brazilian Communist Party. We use as sources oral narratives and newspaper A Folha , wich was published by the Parish Church of Caicó (RN) between 1954 to 1967. Some wrintten documents produced by worker s union from the Seridó region were also used

O progama empregador de última instância: Sua relevância em tempos de crises financeiras e sua aplicabilidade ao Brasil.

This dissertation aims to continue the work developed previously concerning the properties of the employer of last resort program (ELR) that would be able to promote a complete elimination of the involuntary unemployment from the economy, so much of the unemployment generated by structural problems as for problems of the conjuncture, as the present world financial crisis. Besides, it intends to deepen the study concerning the applicability of that program to the Brazilian economy, estimating their potential target population in the country and the cost with the workers' remuneration. It was presented the ELR theoretical-conceptual structure and a debate concerning their economic viability; the program properties that turn it more efficient than the onetary and fiscal policies (PMFs) in the fight against involuntary unemployment in times of financial crises; a study on its applicability to the Brazilian socioeconomic specificities and an estimate of their potential target population and of the annual wage cost in the country, as a whole, and in the specific case of the Northeast region and of the state of Rio Grande do Norte.

Terceirização versus agenda do trabalho decente : estudo de caso a partir do Banco do Brasil s.a. na Paraíba

This Dissertation examines outsourcing in Bank of Brazil SA, the state of Paraiba. The central research question is to what extent this flexibility of labor relations incorporates items claimed by ´recent´ Decent Work Agenda of the International Labour Organization (OIT) or, on the contrary, the ´epidemic´ of outsourcing makes it even more challenging the world of work in the third millennium. The research hypothesis is that the Bank of Brazil has a growing subcontracting / outsourcing of labor (companies and individuals) and that not only contributes to the deterioration of working conditions, but also opposes the Work Agenda decent. Aiming to prove or disprove the hypothesis, the study includes a survey and secondary field. The literature review focuses on the trend towards casualization of labor in capitalism, and yet, in an effort to systematize data and analysis on ´outsourcing´ from the viewpoint of different actors. This theoretical framework is anchored in important classical sources and present that address the topic in the world and in Brazil. The field research was conducted with the actors related to the theme of ´outsourcing´ the Bank of Brazil - Paraiba, precisely branch managers, permanent employees of the bank, union representatives (bank workers), union bank and outsourced. The results confirm, in part, the study hypothesis, by demonstrating that there are several meanings and forms of precariousness that the contractors surveyed are submitted, highlighting the issue of salaries, the work environment, union representation and health worker. All these themes, each for himself, are contemplated by the Decent Work Agenda of the ILO and show, according to field research, rather fragile