A Questão do Imaginário e a Fronteira entre a Psicanálise e a Cultura Organizacional

Este projeto de pesquisa analisa a cultura organizacional como um instrumento de poder político institucional, através do qual é repassado aos indivíduos um imaginário específico desenvolvido pela organização. Para compreensão desse imaginário discutimos alguns mecanismos psicológicos inconscientes, tais como: transferência, identificação, projeção e idealização. A utilização de conceitos psicanalíticos no estudo dos fenômenos organizacionais tem sido feita pela Psicossociologia ou Sociologia Clínica.

Administração pública federal: propostas para o fortalecimento do controle sobre os atos praticados e o respectivo combate à corrupção

The characteristics of the Brazilian historic context, under which the predominant social relations have developed, have led to a process of income concentration and to the political power of the dominant classes. The slavery abolishment hasn't guaranteed the people the rights secured to privileged citizens in general. Such practices were observed during historic process as the low level literacy shown by the census of 1920, the political domination of oligarchies and the military coup, all as determining factors in process of political power concentration. The social indicators and the corruption are extremely unfavorable to our country, but we wonder if that happens only in underdeveloped societies. It is possible that even the American society, even the most developed societies, under the democratic capitalism, can suffer negative consequences of some corruption in the capitalism system. Our observations have led to the perception that all democratic society must be regulated by the State in order to preserve the stability of the system. It has also been observed that it is necessary more effective popular participation in order to neutralize economic groups¿ pressure. It has also become evident the necessity of reduction of commissioned office in the federal public administration. And, finally, it is fundamental to propose an amendment to the construction that allows the Public Ministry to have access to any bank, fiscal or telephonic information of anyone that is in office: It should be called "The Law of Moral Transparency". Those proposals will only be possible if there is massive popular participation and we hope that they express our people¿s will in order to appose to those who act only to obtain private benefits.

Institucionalização de práticas participativas na administração pública: caminho para democratização do poder local

This dissertation discuss the institutionalization of citizen participation in local political administration and the democratization of this administration. We take as the object of our study Niterói OP" (sharing? budget). We study the citizens projects and its implementation., focusing our attention on personal conflicts and power disputs. Our work is based on the following concepts: democracy, descentralization, citizenship, local political power and social? capital?. We verify the different procedures used by Niterói "OP" coordination in order to integrate the citizens in this process. The main concern of our work is the degree of citizen participation in local political power, therefore, we shall not discuss in details the budget itself."

A Defesa Judicial do Estado Brasileiro nas Varas Federais

There is no information whatsoever of a society in which there are no demands among private people and companies, among individuals and institutions, varying only the tenor and the intensity of the issues. It would be ideal if conflicts could be solved in common aggreement. The selfcomposition, yet, does not often occurr; leaving the remaining issues for a third part, i.e., the State. Up to the English and French Revolutions, political power was exercised by limitless governors and the State did not submit to the law. After those revolutions, rules are agregated to curb Absolutism and organize the State, which starts to acccomplish its duties under the law, i.e., a Law State. As a result, today, the individual can sue the State to make the State perform or not any undesirable action. In this dissertation, one traces back from the very beginning the role of the institutions in charge of defending the State in courts of law. The judicial defense of the Brazilian State in a court of law, since 1608 to the 1988 Constitution, was a role of the Public Ministry, along with other institutional functions, including prosecution. As a consequence of this ambivalence, the results of the State defense came even to be contradictory. The promulgation of the 1988 Federal Constitution adjusted this historical dualism. The 1988 Constituent embodied significant change to the concept and operationalization of a State Advocacy, confering to a new institution , which was called 'Advocacia Geral da União' or 'General Advocacy of the Union' (article 131), the judicial and extrajudicial representation of the Union. The final object of the reflections of this study is centred on the analysis of the activities of the 'General Advocacy of the Union', in its first years of functioning, in other words, from 1993 to 1999

Continuidade e descontinuidade administrativa em governos locais: fatores que sustentam a ação pública ao longo dos anos

Esta dissertação estuda a questão da continuidade e descontinuidade de políticas públicas em governos municipais. Apesar do tema ser muito presente na fala e no cotidiano de gestores, pesquisadores, servidores públicos e jornalistas, há poucos estudos que realmente aprofundem como se dão esses fenômenos. Os poucos trabalhos realizados apontam primeiro para o paradoxo democrático da questão ¿ ainda que a descontinuidade seja normalmente considerada indesejável, ela é um dos pressupostos básicos da alternância de poder que a rotina democrática requer. Além disso, há quem aponte que os dois fenômenos possam estar mais ligados do que numa análise superficial. Por último, alguns estudos sugerem que possa haver mais continuidade do que o senso comum levaria a crer, ainda que as explicações para essa realidade ainda estejam pouco elaboradas. É nesta direção que o presente trabalho pretende contribuir. O objetivo principal desta pesquisa foi avançar na compreensão dos fatores que favorecem a continuidade de ações públicas em governos locais no Brasil. Neste sentido, a parte teórica do trabalho incluiu uma revisão de modelos de políticas públicas uitilizados como lente teórica à observação da pesquisa empírica. Também foram revistos alguns textos sobre o local e suas políticas de desenvolvimento, priorizados como objetos de estudo desta dissertação. Foram então realizados três estudos de caso de diferentes políticas de desenvolvimento local. As iniciativas estudadas foram escolhidas a partir do banco de experiências do Programa Gestão Pública e Cidadania, selecionando projetos realizados em cidades com mais de 200 mil habitantes e que já tenham passado por pelo menos três eleições municipais. Os casos estudados foram o Programa de Coleta Seletiva de Lixo de Embu (SP), o Programa de Produção Associada com Garantia de Renda Mínima de Jundiaí (SP) e a Instituição Comunitária de Microcrédito Portosol de Porto Alegre (RS). As análises apontam para a existência de pelo menos quatro fatores que favorecem a continuidade de iniciativas públicas em governos locais. Em primeiro lugar, notou-se a importância de que se desenvolvam ações intencionais para tanto. Além disso, são igualmente importantes fatores técnicos e políticos. Por último, sugere-se que a inserção do projeto ou instituição em coalizões consistentes é benéfico à sua continuidade.

O Congresso Nacional: alternativas de representação politica e paradigmas eleitorais

Este trabalho visa analisar a estrutura de funcionamento do Sistema Eleitoral Brasileiro. Sistema este que - procuro demonstrar - não valoriza os partidos políticos como canais apropriados de interação entre Sociedade e Estado. Desta realidade, é decorrente o fato de existirem, no Brasil, muitos partidos políticos inorgânicos - quanto às ações -, e frágeis - quanto à representatividade. É hipótese básica desta obra o fato de existirem grupos políticos que se beneficiam de práticas nocivas à democracia participativa, via sistema eleitoral. Assim sendo, a realidade auferida nas urnas é distinta da realidade da representação política. O Congresso Nacional, locus que é objeto das maiores distorções, é o meu ponto de referência para este estudo. É a partir deste centro de poder político que se pode vislumbrar o modo de reprodução, em outras esferas de poder, da engenharia institucional existente. A metodologia deste estudo é seccionada em duas partes: . Na parte teórica (capítulos II e III), procuro fazer uma análise comparativa entre as propostas passíveis - a cada item - de adoção, posicionando-me em relação às mesmas. . Na parte prática (capítulo IV), elaboro uma proposta de agenda para reformas no sistema eleitoral, condizentes com o que foi estudado anteriormente.

Isolated capital cities and misgovernance: theory and evidence

Motivated by a novel stylized fact { countries with isolated capital cities display worse quality of governance { we provide a framework of endogenous institutional choice based on the idea that elites are constrained by the threat of rebellion, and that this threat is rendered less e ective by distance from the seat of political power. In established democracies, the threat of insurgencies is not a binding constraint, and the model predicts no correlation between isolated capitals and misgovernance. In contrast, a correlation emerges in equilibrium in the case of autocracies. Causality runs both ways: broader power sharing (associated with better governance) means that any rents have to be shared more broadly, hence the elite has less of an incentive to protect its position by isolating the capital city; conversely, a more isolated capital city allows the elite to appropriate a larger share of output, so the costs of better governance for the elite, in terms of rents that would have to be shared, are larger. We show evidence that this pattern holds true robustly in the data. We also show that isolated capitals are associated with less power sharing, a larger income premium enjoyed by capital city inhabitants, and lower levels of military spending by ruling elites, as predicted by the theory.

Important, unimportant a critical anticipation of the assumptions of legal positivism in Alice in Wonderland

Almost a full century separates Lewis’ Alice in Wonderland (1865) and the second, lengthier and more elaborate edition of Hans Kelsen’s Pure Theory of Law (1960; first edition published in 1934). And yet, it is possible to argue that the former anticipates and critically addresses many of the philosophical assumptions that underlie and are elemental to the argument of the latter. Both texts, with the illuminating differences that arise from their disparate genre, have as one of their key themes norms and their functioning. Wonderland, as Alice soon finds out, is a world beset by rules of all kinds: from the etiquette rituals of the mad tea-party to the changing setting for the cricket game to the procedural insanity of the trial with which the novel ends. Pure Theory of Law, as Kelsen emphatically stresses, has the grundnorm as the cornerstone upon which the whole theoretical edifice rests2. This paper discusses some of the assumptions underlying Kelsen’s argument as an instance of the modern worldview which Lewis satirically scrutinizes. The first section (Sleepy and stupid) discusses Lewis critique of the idea that, to correctly apprehend an object (in the case of Kelsen’s study, law), one has to free it from its alien elements. The second section (Do bats eat cats?) discusses the notion of systemic coherence and its impact on modern ways of thinking about truth, law and society. The third section (Off with their heads!) explores the connections between readings of systems as neutral entities and the perpetuation of political power. The fourth and final section (Important, Unimportant) explains the sense in which a “critical anticipation” is both possible and useful to discuss the philosophical assumptions structuring some positivist arguments. It also discusses the reasons for choosing to focus on Kelsen’s work, rather than on that of Lewis’ contemporary, John Austin, whose The Province of Jurisprudence Determined (published in 1832) remains influential in legal debates today.

Differences in the perception of interest representation: a comparision of Brasília and Brussels lobbying activity

The research topic of this paper is focused on the analysis of how trade associations perceive lobbying in Brussels and in Brasília. The analysis will be centered on business associations located in Brasília and Brussels as the two core centers of decision-making and as an attraction for the lobbying practice. The underlying principles behind the comparison between Brussels and Brasilia are two. Firstof all because the European Union and Brazil have maintained diplomatic relations since 1960. Through these relations they have built up close historical, cultural, economic and political ties. Their bilateral political relations culminated in 2007 with the establishment of a Strategic Partnership (EEAS website,n.d.). Over the years, Brazil has become a key interlocutor for the EU and it is the most important market for the EU in Latin America (European Commission, 2007). Taking into account the relations between EU and Brazil, this research could contribute to the reciprocal knowledge about the perception of lobby in the respective systems and the importance of the non-market strategy when conducting business. Second both EU and Brazilian systems have a multi-level governance structure: 28 Member States in the EU and 26 Member States in Brazil; in both systems there are three main institutions targeted by lobbying practice. The objective is to compare how differences in the institutional environments affect the perception and practice of lobbying, where institutions are defined as ‘‘regulative, normative, and cognitive structures and activities that provide stability and meaning to social behavior’’ (Peng et al., 2009). Brussels, the self-proclaimed "Capital of Europe”, is the headquarters of the European Union and has one of the highest concentrations of political power in the world. Four of the seven Institutions of the European Union are based in Brussels: the European Parliament, the European Council, the Council and the European Commission (EU website, n.d.). As the power of the EU institutions has grown, Brussels has become a magnet for lobbyists, with the latest estimates ranging from between 15,000 and 30,000 professionals representing companies, industry sectors, farmers, civil society groups, unions etc. (Burson Marsteller, 2013). Brasília is the capital of Brazil and the seat of government of the Federal District and the three branches of the federal government of Brazilian legislative, executive and judiciary. The 4 city also hosts 124 foreign embassies. The presence of the formal representations of companies and trade associations in Brasília is very limited, but the governmental interests remain there and the professionals dealing with government affairs commute there. In the European Union, Brussels has established a Transparency Register that allows the interactions between the European institutions and citizen’s associations, NGOs, businesses, trade and professional organizations, trade unions and think tanks. The register provides citizens with a direct and single access to information about who is engaged in This process is important for the quality of democracy, and for its capacity to deliver adequate policies, matching activities aimed at influencing the EU decision-making process, which interests are being pursued and what level of resources are invested in these activities (Celgene, n.d). It offers a single code of conduct, binding all organizations and self-employed individuals who accept to “play by the rules” in full respect of ethical principles (EC website, n.d). A complaints and sanctions mechanism ensures the enforcement of the rules and addresses suspected breaches of the code. In Brazil, there is no specific legislation regulating lobbying. The National Congress is currently discussing dozens of bills that address regulation of lobbying and the action of interest groups (De Aragão, 2012), but none of them has been enacted for the moment. This work will focus on class lobbying (Oliveira, 2004), which refers to the performance of the federation of national labour or industrial unions, like CNI (National Industry Confederation) in Brazil and the European Banking Federation (EBF) in Brussels. Their performance aims to influence the Executive and Legislative branches in order to defend the interests of their affiliates. When representing unions and federations, class entities cover a wide range of different and, more often than not, conflicting interests. That is why they are limited to defending the consensual and majority interest of their affiliates (Oliveira, 2004). The basic assumption of this work is that institutions matter (Peng et al, 2009) and that the trade associations and their affiliates, when doing business, have to take into account the institutional and regulatory framework where they do business.

Entre a reforma urbana e a reforma imobiliária: a coordenação de interesses na política habitacional brasileira nos anos 2000

No período da gestão do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) no governo federal, configurou-se uma dupla agenda para a política habitacional brasileira: a primeira ligada à plataforma de reforma urbana, com previsão de descentralização entre os entes federativos e gestão participativa, e a segunda consubstanciada a partir das premissas de reestruturação do setor imobiliário e da construção civil, estruturada em uma política exclusiva de provisão habitacional com promoção privada e financiamento a partir de fundings públicos. No presente trabalho analisou-se a trajetória desta política nos anos 2000, tendo como foco principal o processo decisório que estruturou o arranjo permitindo a convivência destas duas agendas paralelas. Apesar das contradições e conflitos entre elas, também houve um tipo especial de imbricamento que produziu um jogo não só de coexistência, mas com ganhos para ambas. Combinando a análise institucional com abordagens teóricas focadas no papel dos atores e suas coalizões na transformação das políticas públicas, a tese teve como principal hipótese a existência de uma coordenação de interesses desenvolvida como marca característica do governo Lula e que sustentou a combinação destas duas agendas. Este modelo lulista de governança explicou e garantiu, em boa medida, a distribuição de benefícios a ambas as coalizões, além de ter legitimado a política habitacional dentro da agenda pública.

“O sindicato que a ditadura queria”: o Ministério do Trabalho no governo Castelo Branco (1964-1967)

Esse trabalho tenta analisar a atuação do Ministério do Trabalho através da articulação de seus ministros com outras áreas da burocracia estatal, durante o governo Castelo Branco, para, por um lado, reprimir e expurgar opiniões contrárias ao regime ditatorial e, por outro, promover uma nova política para os trabalhadores, o “novo trabalhismo”. O termo condensava a ideia da área econômica de ‘democratizar’ as oportunidades, ampliando as atribuições dos sindicatos, deslocando o seu foco das reivindicações salariais para o desenvolvimento, em associação com o governo, de projetos e programas de investimentos nos setores sociais de produtividade indireta. Para implementar a proposta, cada ministro teve que lidar com as pressões advindas do processo de alteração da política trabalhista e articular os seus interesses pessoais com as atribuições da pasta. Arnaldo Sussekind resistiu às demandas para o fim da estabilidade, alterou a Lei de Greve, permitiu o fracionamento do 13º salário e abriu espaço para a implantação da política salarial. Ao mesmo tempo promoveu uma massiva intervenção nos sindicatos, cujos processos permitem conhecer melhor o interior da burocracia estatal, perceber os argumentos utilizados para afastar as diretorias das entidades e questionar a tomada de decisões dentro do ministério sob o novo contexto social pós-golpe. Walter Peracchi Barcelos utilizou a pasta como trampolim político, propondo e executando ações repressivas que lhe garantiam vantagens políticas e negligenciando projetos da área econômica, como o Fundo de Garantia por Tempo de Serviço, que ameaçavam importantes conquistas dos trabalhadores. Por fim, Luiz Gonzaga do Nascimento e Silva reformulou o Banco Nacional da Habitação e unificou a previdência, ações que permitiram a transferência de atribuições e recursos do Estado para a iniciativa privada. A pesquisa, portanto, sustenta que o Ministério do Trabalho, após o golpe, perdeu poder político dentro do governo por permitir a transferência de suas atribuições para camadas da elite empresarial e para os militares, forçando os sindicatos a modificarem seus canais de diálogo e suas reivindicações para se adaptarem ao novo contexto.

Special interests and political business cycles

In this paper we bridge the gap between special interest politics and political business cycle literature. We build a framework where the interplay between the lobby power of special interest groups and the voting power of the majority of the population leads to political business cycles. We apply our set up to explain electoral cycles in government expenditure composition, aggregate expenditures and real exchange rates.

The inequality curse: constraints and political discretion

We live in an unjust world characterized by economic inequality. No liberal theory of justice is able to justify it. Inequality is not “solved” with equality of opportunity or meritocracy. Nor by the socialist and republican critique. The poor will have to count with them and with democracy to make social progress reality. In their political struggle, they will face one economic constraint: the expected profit rate must remain attractive to business investors. Yet, giving that technological progress in increasingly capital-saving, this economic constraint does not obstruct that wages grow above the productivity rate and inequality is reduced. What really is an obstacle to social justice in the rich countries is, on one hand, the power that capitalist rentiers retain and financists acquired, and, on the other, the competition originated in low wage countries.

The gay subject in business and its discursive formation: an exploration on power, knowledge and sexuality

Issues related to the reality of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) individuals are being incorporated into institutional and social discourses, and show the challenges that must be overcome towards citizenship. The inclusion of gay rights in the domain of institutions like the United Nations and the Brazilian Secretariat of Human Rights are a response to broader movements that places the gay subject as an important topic of debate in the social-political sphere. In this scenario, some institutions deserve close attention from researchers related to gay issues, the business environment being a good example. In this domain, diversity has become an important topic of debate between scholars, where the question of sexual identity in most cases does not appear. The literature that actually focuses on the theme is explored through approaches that are not able to break with universalisms and a normatized vocabulary. Therefore, this research explores discursive structures related to sexuality and examines the meanings construed throughout these structures as described by gay individuals working in business. Furthermore, it investigates patterns of discursive normative structures and consequential challenges faced by gay people in the working environment, and also complements the current debate both in the socio-political sphere and in academic reality on LGBT challenges. The Foucauldian notions of discourse, knowledge and power, and the main concepts of queer theory are incorporated to the analysis, as well as concepts related to the politics of post-colonial sexuality, subordination, and hegemonic forces, together with role of reflexivity in modernity and its impacts on secularized mental structures. The research design takes a phenomenological approach and bases its knowledge claim on a participatory perspective, where the sample chosen for data collection consisted of gay individuals working in the business environment, aiming at generate categories of meanings through the description of their experiences.