O centro de pesquisas como agente de motivação realizadora no ensino tecnológico

Durante o longo período de experiências de magistério no ensino tecnológico de segundo e terceiro graus, o autor desta dissertação de mestrado vem aplicando uma metodologia que consiste em cativar os estudantes através de projetos inusitados, elaborados de conformidade com as habilitações específicas dos cursos, empregando-os como elemento motivador para realizar empreendimentos, paralelamente ao ensino curricular. Esse motivo, escolhido e planejado pedagogicamente, serve de estímulo para concentrar as atenções dos alunos na solução de problemas sócio-econômicos do país e da humanidade em geral, com o propósito de integrá-los no desenvolvimento científico e tecnológico, despertando o interesse pelo estudo e pela pesquisa, nas atividades dos projetos realizados por grupos de colegas de vocações afins. o projeto, caracterizado por um complexo cibernético ou biônico, tem a propriedade de efetivar a conjugação das diversas disciplinas, cujos conhecimentos são aplicados nessas oportunidades, ajudando os alunos a compreenderem melhor o sentido pragmático do conjunto curricular do seu curso. Atuando, de início, autodidatamente, mas orientado pelos princípios da Psicologia Educacional e mais tarde apoiado na Pedagogia de Dewey, o autor aprimorou sua metodologia nos trabalhos de Decroly, Kilpatrick, Skinner e Mc Clelland. A aplicação desse método de ensino suscitou a criaçao de um Centro de Pesquisas, integrado na organização escolar, através de uma de suas assessorias, sendo dirigido por um professor responsável e estruturado na forma de um setor onde se reunem as equipes de Planejamento Educacional e Pesquisa, Planejamento Técnico, Desenvolvimento de Atividades e Apoio, todas formadas por professores convidados, especialistas nos assuntos envolvidos pelos projetos. Este setor-ambiente, bem arquitetado,é instalado com recursos auxiliares didáticos e motivacionais, pequena biblioteca, museu, arquivo, uma pequena oficina de precisão, um laboratório para pesquisas tecnológicas e outro para tratamento fotográfico. Evidencia-se, assim, que o Centro de Pesquisas, como agente de motivação realizadora, atua na escola produzindo mudanças significativas no processo de ensino e consequentemente na formação dos alunos, pela sua metodologia e dinâmica das atividades a que estes se dedicam,manifestand sua capacidade de produzir, aplicando a criatividade aliada à sua aprendizagem, ao mesmo tempo valiosas para sua educação e para a sociedade. Fundamentado nos bons resultados obtidos com a aplicação dessa metodologia de ensino, o autor sugere a conveniência de serem implantados nas demais Escolas Técnicas e nos Centros Federais de Educação Tecnológica, centros ou núcleos de pesquisas semelhantes ao descrito nesta dissertação de mestrado.

Extreme poverty and development: the role of state in the assurance of minimal existence conditions

This paper follows the idea of Amartya Sen, Nobel Prize of economic, about the role of State in the assurance of minimal existence condition, and aim to answer how countries of Latin America (specifically Brazil) and countries of Europe (specifically United Kingdom) deal with the assurance of this minimal existence conditions. According to Amartya Sen’s view, development must be seen as a process of expanding substantive freedoms, such expansion being the primary purpose of each society and the main mean of development. Substantive freedoms can be considered as basic capabilities allocated to individuals whereby they are entitled to be architects of their own lives, providing them conditions to “live as they wish”. These basic capabilities are divided by Amartya Sen in 5 (five) kinds of substantive freedoms, but for this article’s purpose, we will consider just one of this 5 (five) kinds, specifically the Protective Safety capability. Protective Safety capability may be defined as the assurance of basic means of survival for individuals who are in extreme poverty, at risk of starvation or hypothermia, or even impending famine. Among the means available that could be used to avoid such situations are the possibility of supplemental income to the needy, distributing food and clothing to the needy, supply of energy and water, among others. But how countries deal whit this protective safety? Aiming to answer this question, we selected the problem of “fuel poverty” and how Brazil and United Kingdom solve it (if they solve), in order to assess how the solution found impacts development. The analysis and the comparison between these countries will allow an answer to the question proposed.

How the full opening of the capital account to highly liquid financial markets led Latin America to two and a half cycles of ‘mania, panic and crash’

Latin America has recently experienced three cycles of capital inflows, the first two ending in major financial crises. The first took place between 1973 and the 1982 ‘debt-crisis’. The second took place between the 1989 ‘Brady bonds’ agreement (and the beginning of the economic reforms and financial liberalisation that followed) and the Argentinian 2001/2002 crisis, and ended up with four major crises (as well as the 1997 one in East Asia) — Mexico (1994), Brazil (1999), and two in Argentina (1995 and 2001/2). Finally, the third inflow-cycle began in 2003 as soon as international financial markets felt reassured by the surprisingly neo-liberal orientation of President Lula’s government; this cycle intensified in 2004 with the beginning of a (purely speculative) commodity price-boom, and actually strengthened after a brief interlude following the 2008 global financial crash — and at the time of writing (mid-2011) this cycle is still unfolding, although already showing considerable signs of distress. The main aim of this paper is to analyse the financial crises resulting from this second cycle (both in LA and in East Asia) from the perspective of Keynesian/ Minskyian/ Kindlebergian financial economics. I will attempt to show that no matter how diversely these newly financially liberalised Developing Countries tried to deal with the absorption problem created by the subsequent surges of inflow (and they did follow different routes), they invariably ended up in a major crisis. As a result (and despite the insistence of mainstream analysis), these financial crises took place mostly due to factors that were intrinsic (or inherent) to the workings of over-liquid and under-regulated financial markets — and as such, they were both fully deserved and fairly predictable. Furthermore, these crises point not just to major market failures, but to a systemic market failure: evidence suggests that these crises were the spontaneous outcome of actions by utility-maximising agents, freely operating in friendly (‘light-touch’) regulated, over-liquid financial markets. That is, these crises are clear examples that financial markets can be driven by buyers who take little notice of underlying values — i.e., by investors who have incentives to interpret information in a biased fashion in a systematic way. Thus, ‘fat tails’ also occurred because under these circumstances there is a high likelihood of self-made disastrous events. In other words, markets are not always right — indeed, in the case of financial markets they can be seriously wrong as a whole. Also, as the recent collapse of ‘MF Global’ indicates, the capacity of ‘utility-maximising’ agents operating in (excessively) ‘friendly-regulated’ and over-liquid financial market to learn from previous mistakes seems rather limited.