4 resultados para Real Estate Commission of the District of Columbia (Proposed)

em Repositório digital da Fundação Getúlio Vargas - FGV


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Analisamos os determinantes de precificação de Certificados de Recebíveis Imobiliários (CRIs) com relação ao ativo objeto e níveis de garantias, controlando por variáveis de tamanho, prazo e rating. Verifica-se um prêmio médio adicional em CRIs de 1,0 p.p. quando comparados com debêntures de prazos semelhantes e de mesmo rating. A justificativa desse prêmio é analisada em duas frentes: (a) apesar de CRI seguir relativa padronização, encontramos que o papel pode representar diferentes níveis de risco e ativos-objeto; e (b) essa falta de padronização leva a níveis de precificação diferenciados por suas características específicas de riscos. Os diferentes níveis de risco são percebidos pelas diversas garantias utilizadas sendo que 41% das emissões possuem garantias pessoais de originadores (aval ou fiança). Conclui-se que existe, em geral, uma diferença de retornos positiva (o spread médio na emissão dos CRIs indexados à inflação foi de 321 bps superior à curva de juros de mercado), sendo mais preponderante a depender do segmento (prêmio para os segmentos residencial e loteamentos) e mitigado pelo nível de garantias oferecido. É possível verificar um prêmio médio de 1,4 p.p. para os segmentos residencial e de loteamentos. Algumas características das emissões foram analisadas como controle (tamanho, prazo e, por fim, das notas e origem da agência avaliadora de rating). Os CRIs de maior volume e maior prazo apresentam spreads menores. Quanto ao rating, os CRIs apresentam efeitos diversos a depender do segmento. Para CRIs residenciais, o efeito é positivo (redução de spread) caso a emissão seja avaliada por alguma agência de rating, enquanto que para os CRIs comerciais, o efeito é negativo. O efeito pode ser positivo para os CRIs comerciais (redução de spread) em caso de avaliação por agência de rating internacional ou possuir notas de rating superiores à nota ‘A’.

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Why did house prices fall in 2007‐2009? This is the fundamental question to most Americans, and to those who lent them money. Most homeowners did not care why residential real estate prices rose. They assumed prices always rose, and they should simply enjoy their good fortune. It was not until prices began to fall that people were left searching for answers. How much did regulation or lack thereof play in the role of the devastation? To what degree did greed and unrealistic consumer expectation have on the real estate bubble? Using existing literature as well as face to face interviews of experienced leaders within the real estate industry in California who experienced both the up and down of the real estate cycle, the overarching purpose of this study is to investigate the opinions and beliefs of the leaders and drivers within the real estate industry about the cause of the real estate bubble that occurred sharply in 2008 . Specifically, this project will focus on the opinions of real estate industry leaders who worked in the center of the subprime universe located in Irvine, California, during 2004‐2008. Comparing the mainstream beliefs with the interviewees it is fair to say that the main finding in the mainstream beliefs are reflected very well with the finding of the subject’s opinion. The thesis is divided into 6 chapters starting with “introduction”, followed by chapter 2 “Literature Review”. Chapter 3 is “Research Methodology” followed by chapter 4 “Data Presentation”. Finally, the results are discussed in chapter 5 “Analysis and Discussion” and conclusions in Chapter 6.

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Housing is an important component of wealth for a typical household in many countries. The objective of this paper is to investigate the effect of real-estate price variation on welfare, trying to close a gap between the welfare literature in Brazil and that in the U.S., the U.K., and other developed countries. Our first motivation relates to the fact that real estate is probably more important here than elsewhere as a proportion of wealth, which potentially makes the impact of a price change bigger here. Our second motivation relates to the fact that real-estate prices boomed in Brazil in the last five years. Prime real estate in Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo have tripled in value in that period, and a smaller but generalized increase has been observed throughout the country. Third, we have also seen a recent consumption boom in Brazil in the last five years. Indeed, the recent rise of some of the poor to middle-income status is well documented not only for Brazil but for other emerging countries as well. Regarding consumption and real-estate prices in Brazil, one cannot imply causality from correlation, but one can do causal inference with an appropriate structural model and proper inference, or with a proper inference in a reduced-form setup. Our last motivation is related to the complete absence of studies of this kind in Brazil, which makes ours a pioneering study. We assemble a panel-data set for the determinants of non-durable consumption growth by Brazilian states, merging the techniques and ideas in Campbell and Cocco (2007) and in Case, Quigley and Shiller (2005). With appropriate controls, and panel-data methods, we investigate whether house-price variation has a positive effect on non-durable consumption. The results show a non-negligible significant impact of the change in the price of real estate on welfare consumption), although smaller then what Campbell and Cocco have found. Our findings support the view that the channel through which house prices affect consumption is a financial one.

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The objective of these notes is to present a simple mathematical model of the determination of current account real exchange rate as defined by Bresser-Pereira (2010); i.e. the real exchange rate that guarantees the inter temporal equilibrium of balance of payments and to show the relation between Real Exchange rate and Productive Specialization at theoretical and empirical level.