Purchasing power parity: the choice of price index

Looking closely at the PPP argument, it states that the currencies purchasing power should not change when comparing the same basket goods across countries, and these goods should all be tradable. Hence, if PPP is valid at all, it should be captured by the relative price indices that best Öts these two features. We ran a horse race among six di§erent price indices available from the IMF database to see which one would yield higher PPP evidence, and, therefore, better Öt the two features. We used RER proxies measured as the ratio of export unit values, wholesale prices, value added deáators, unit labor costs, normalized unit labor costs and consumer prices, for a sample of 16 industrial countries, with quarterly data from 1975 to 2002. PPP was tested using both the ADF and the DFGLS unit root test of the RER series. The RER measured as WPI ratios was the one for which PPP evidence was found for the larger number of countries: six out of sixteen when we use DF-GLS test with demeaned series. The worst measure of all was the RER based on the ratio of foreign CPIs and domestic WPI. No evidence of PPP at all was found for this measure.

Processos produtivos e trabalho-educação: a incorporação do caboclo catarinense na indústria madeireira

The object theme of the present study is a population of caboclos that absorbed as manual workers in the saw-mills which were mounted in the highland region of Santa Catarina since 1950. The abundance of araucaria (native kind of pine) the opening of markets, and the corroboration of other industrial exploration conditions encouraged a great crowd of small en.- trepreneurs, coming basically from the state of Rio Grande do Sul, to migrate and settle down, building up a lot of saw-mills near rich forests and fields. The saw-mills started aprosperous production of timber sawn in planks. The process of industriali zation was so intensive, the destruction of pine woods soviolent that, in less than three decades, the forests ran out of tree reserves. The caboclos, absorbed as manual workers in production of timber, lived traditionally in an system of subsistense, either from the cultivation of pine the economic their land (planter caboclo) or as labourers in cattle-growing farms (farm hand caboclos). Nevertheless, the 'advantages' that were offered them by the new-comer entrepreneurs (a salary paid in money, a new house in a village, and other favours) helped the great majority of caboclos to abandon their traditional work and enlist as "workmen" in saw-mills. The new job, besides being a novelty, was an opportunity for a change in status. Subsequently, the running out of forests of araucaria and the resultant progressive shut-down of saw-mills caused the crowd of workmen to be out of imployment and to form to form a migratory flood toward the most important town of the region, Lages. The town of Lages, however, having made of the timber i ts main economic support wi thout the implantation of an alternative industry, was unable to offer the migrantssufficient 'work places'. In this way, the 'marginal crowd' began to settle down in the suburbs of the city. This study, in the context of the object theme, analyses two main questions related to the reality 'WOlLQ' and to the economic exploitation forms: ~) the relations of production in the economic regime of subsistence and in the capitalist regime of industrial production with the consequent 'positions' of the workman in the productive processj ~~) the deriving educative effects of the productive process, either in the economic regime of subsistence, or in the capitalist industrial regime. The two questions are theoretically debated andconfro~ ted with the proposed reality, giving origin to conclusions that, in a general formulation, can be summarized as follows: a) the caboclos of the highland region of Santa Catari na, when under an economic regime of subsistence, held in fee the productive processj there was a social division of the work and aclimate of freedom which made possible the development of knowledge from their life and work experience, the production of most of their tools, and the making of necessary manufactures adapted to their own surrounding ditionsi -- - --- other con- ------ b) however, these same caboclos, when absorbed by the capitalist industrial process of production - tipified by the work in saw-mills - lost the control of the productive processj this was caused by the technologic division of the work, since each man began to perform a dull and repeti tive action, directed by the speed of the 'major-saw' j man resigned form his skill and inventive power and surrendered to an executive authority which turned him into a 'collective worker'j the new productive process, besides rnaking each rnan a copy of a pattern, put the caboclos in a situation in which the daily work experiencedidn't add anything in terrns of autogenesis of knowledgei and even the environrnental educative rneans were reduced to new forrns of adaptation to the productive process, relegating rnan's inventive power to inertia.

Crise de confiança e liquidez bancária: evidências empíricas no mercado bancário brasileiro

A reação da autoridade bancária frente a uma crise é de fundamental importância para a sua contenção. No Brasil, durante a crise do subprime, em 2008, observou-se a ocorrência de uma crise de liquidez em alguns bancos que levou o Banco Central a autorizar uma linha especial de captação de depósitos com limite muito superior ao habitual, denominado Depósito a Prazo com Garantia Especial (DPGE). Estes fatos propiciaram uma oportunidade de observar a reação dos depositantes frente a um choque exógeno ao sistema financeiro nacional para, em seguida, explorar a captação exógena de recursos devido à ampliação nos limites dos depósitos assegurados, com cobertura do Fundo Garantidor de Crédito (FGC). Além disso, analisou-se o efeito do DPGE sobre o crédito, considerando que depósitos assegurados e não-assegurados não são substitutos perfeitos e um aumento na oferta de depósitos assegurados deveria aumentar a oferta de crédito do mercado, como um todo. A estratégia empírica utilizada permitiu reconhecer os bancos emissores de DPGE, separando-os por outros fatores relacionados aos fundamentos bancários (tamanho, liquidez, qualidade dos ativos e retorno) e analisar os efeitos do DPGE nas taxas de juros praticadas na captação de depósitos a prazo, em geral. A base de dados utilizada também permitiu observar o comportamento desses bancos e a estratégia por eles utilizada na origem e destinação de tais recursos. Tomados em conjunto, os resultados encontrados são consistentes com a ideia de que depositantes migram seus recursos para a segurança durante a crise, na chamada “fuga para a qualidade” e retornam quando lhes dão a garantia necessária. Também é coerente com a teoria que diz que a substituição imperfeita entre depósitos assegurados e depósitos não-assegurados afeta a restrição de financiamentos dos bancos. O resultado deste estudo revela a importância da atuação da autoridade reguladora frente a situações críticas, bem como os efeitos no mercado causados pela permanência de um produto desenhado para uma situação específica.

Os efeitos macroeconômicos das transferências sociais: uma abordagem de matriz de contabilidade social

Government transfers to individuals and families play a central role in the Brazilian social protection system, accounting for almost 14 per cent of GDP in 2009. While their fiscal and redistributive impacts have been widely studied, the macroeconomic effects of transfers are harder to ascertain. We constructed a Social Accounting Matrix (SAM) for 2009 and estimated short-term multipliers for seven different government monetary transfers . The SAM is a double-entry square matrix depicting all income flows in the economy. The data were compiled from the 2009 Brazilian National Accounts and the 2008/2009 POF, a household budget survey. Our SAM was disaggregated into 56 sectors, 110 commodities, 200 household groups and seven factors of production (capital plus six types of labor, according to schooling). Finally, we ran a set of regressions to separate household consumption into ‘autonomous’ (or ‘exogenous’) and ‘endogenous’ components. More specifically, we are interested in the effects of an exogenous injection into each of the seven government transfers outlined above. All the other accounts are thus endogenous. The so-called demand ‘leaks’ are income flows from the endogenous to exogenous accounts. Leaks—such as savings, taxes and imports—are crucial to determine the multiplier effect of an exogenous injection, as they allow the system to go back to equilibrium. The model assumes that supply is perfectly elastic to demand shocks. It assumes that the families’ propensity to save and consumption profile are fixed—that is, rising incomes do not provoke changes in behaviour. The multiplier effects of the on GDP corresponds to the growth in GDP resulting from each additional dollar injected into each transfer seven government transfers. If the government increased Bolsa Família expenditures by 1 per cent of GDP, overall economic activity would grow by 1.78 per cent, the highest effect. The Continuous Cash Benefit, comes second. Only three transfers— the private-sector and public servants’ pensions and FGTS withdrawals—had multipliers lower than unity. The multipliers for other relevant macroeconomic aggregates—household and total consumption, disposable income etc. —reveal a similar pattern. Thus, under the stringent assumptions of our model, we cannot reject the hypothesis that government transfers targeting poor households, such as the Bolsa Família, help foster economic expansion. Naturally, it should be stressed that the multipliers relate marginal injections into government transfers to short-term economic performance either real growth, or inflation if there is no idle capacity which is also useful to analyze. In the long term, there is no doubt that what truly matters is the growth of the country’s productive capacity.