16 resultados para Mexico’s economic reforms

em Repositório digital da Fundação Getúlio Vargas - FGV


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This position paper argues that at this time of Mexico’s ongoing big transformation, legal educators and researchers in Mexico need to pay greater attention to international economic law, and that a renewal and perhaps some re-orientation of the approach to teaching international economic law, could provide significant contributions to and shape and support both the objectives and outcomes of reform in Mexico. International Economic Law courses and research can be made more useful, not only for students themselves, but also for their contribution towards the role that academics, lawyers, and other epistemic communities need to play in the political, economic and social evolution that is accelerating in Mexico.

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Latin America’s economic performance since the beginning of neo-liberal reforms has been poor; this not only contrasts with its own performance pre-1980, but also with what has happened in Asia since 1980. I shall argue that the weakness of the region’s new paradigm is rooted as much in its intrinsic flaws as in the particular way it has been implemented. Latin America’s economic reforms were undertaken primarily as a result of the perceived economic weaknesses of the region — i.e., there was an attitude of ‘throwing in the towel’ vis-à-vis the previous state-led import substituting industrialisation strategy, because most politicians and economists interpreted the 1982 debt crisis as conclusive evidence that it had led the region into a cul-de-sac. As Hirschman has argued, policymaking has a strong component of ‘path-dependency’; as a result, people often stick with policies after they have achieved their aims, and those policies have become counterproductive. This leads to such frustration and disappointment with existing policies and institutions that is not uncommon to experience a ‘rebound effect’. An extreme example of this phenomenon is post-1982 Latin America, where the core of the discourse of the economic reforms that followed ended up simply emphasising the need to reverse as many aspects of the previous development (and political) strategies as possible. This helps to explain the peculiar set of priorities, the rigidity and the messianic attitude with which the reforms were implemented in Latin America, as well as their poor outcome. Something very different happened in Asia, where economic reforms were often intended (rightly or wrongly) as a more targeted and pragmatic mechanism to overcome specific economic and financial constraints. Instead of implementing reforms as a mechanism to reverse existing industrialisation strategies, in Asia they were put into practice in order to continue and strengthen ambitious processes of industrialisation.

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As reformas econômicas implementadas pelos países da América Latina a partir da segunda metade dos anos 1980 mudaram em definitivo o panorama da região. Os principais objetivos dessas medidas foram promover a recuperação econômica e gerar condições para o crescimento sustentado. De maneira a avaliar os efeitos das reformas sobre o desempenho econômico dos países e, principalmente, sobre a taxa de crescimento, muitos trabalhos recentes se dedicaram ao tema. Esta dissertação se enquadra nessa linha de pesquisa acerca dos efeitos das reformas sobre o crescimento das economias latino-americanas. O foco, entretanto, não fica restrito à avaliação do impacto sobre o produto per capita desses países. Os determinantes fundamentais do produto são igualmente considerados: produtividade total e parcial de fatores e acumulação de capital. De forma a empreender tal investigação, partiu-se de uma base teórica de modelos neoclássicos de crescimento. O caráter institucional das reformas permitiu complementar esse arcabouço conceitual com elementos de modelos que incluem variáveis de natureza institucional no rol dos determinantes do produto per capita. Assim, a abordagem empregada na dissertação possibilitou testar de que forma essas medidas, vistas como mudanças institucionais, afetaram as variáveis de interesse, algo que não havia sido tratado de forma satisfatória pela literatura. A análise econométrica desenvolvida com base em um painel de 17 países latino americanos no período entre 1970 e 1995, considerados subperíodos de cinco anos, revelou que as cinco áreas de reforma consideradas - abertura comercial, liberalização da conta de capital, privatização e reformas financeira e tributária - tiveram um impacto positivo sobre o produto per capita. Além disso, a investigação empírica indicou ter sido o efeito positivo sobre a produtividade do capital físico o principal canal pelo qual as reformas promoveram o crescimento dessas economias. Há evidências de que o efeito sobre a acumulação de capital também se constituiu em um canal importante.

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Além de realizar um balanço da literatura internacional relativa a reformas econômicas em novas democracias e aos programas de ajuste fiscal, o presente projeto de pesquisa visa analisar as transformações ocorridas na área fiscal no Brasil ao longo das duas últimas décadas no contexto de constrangimentos econômicos internos e externos e da democratização política.

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A Índia, com sua notável expansão econômica, cultura e filosofia milenares, é o tema desse trabalho, com dois objetivos: exemplificar diversos aspectos teóricos ligados ao crescimento econômico e aprofundar o estudo de um aspecto institucional pouco difundido na literatura, os impactos das filosofias religiosas. A princípio, são analisadas as reformas econômicas realizadas após a crise do balanço de pagamentos ocorrida em 1991. Diversos estudos teóricos são citados ao longo do texto para contextualizar o efeito das reformas no potencial de crescimento. O setor externo é analisado com profundidade, seguido pela desregulamentação no setor privado, principalmente na atividade industrial e no controle de preços. Estes dois setores foram conjuntamente responsáveis pelo grande salto de produtividade na economia (descrito pelos impactos na produtividade total dos fatores). Alguns aspectos de política monetária e fiscal também são analisados, mas com menor ênfase, visto que as reformas e resultados nesses setores são limitados. A seguir, apresenta-se análise sobre a filosofia Hindu, predominante no país. Introduz-se o tema com breve descrição dos aspectos filosóficos, para seguir com avaliação dos impactos econômicos resultantes. Max Weber e Amartya Sen contradizem-se sobre o sinal do impacto: Weber suportando que a magia hindu impediria o racionalismo; Sen argumentando que o próprio hinduísmo tem histórico de racionalismo heterodoxo, de contestação e criação. Para disseminar dúvidas apresenta-se um modelo econométrico, com base em convergência condicional: impactos diretos e indiretos não se mostram significantes. Levanta-se um debate e um alento a alguns países: um histórico institucional bastante desalentador ao desenvolvimento, baseado em uma filosofia religiosa controversa de nuances pós-vida, pode ser superado com algumas corretas reformas na economia.

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The 90s have witnessed a resumption in capital flows to Latin America. due to the conjugation of low interest rates in the US and economic reforms in most LA countries. In Brazil. however. substantial capital flows have becn induced by the extremely high domestic interest rates practiced by the Central Bank as a measure of last reson given the absence of successful stabilization policies. These very high interest rates were needed to prevent capital flight in a context of a surprisingly stable inflation rate above 20% a month. and keep interest bearing govemment securities preferable to foreign assets as money substitutes. We carefully describe how this domestic currency substitution regime (interest bearing govemment securities are substituted for MIas cash holdings) requires the Central Bank to renounce aoy control over monerary aggregates. In this domestic currency substitution regime. hyperinflation is the most likely outcome of an isolated (i.e.. without fiscal adjusanents) attempt by the Brazilian Central Bank to control money.

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The Brazilian luxury goods market has been registering substantial growth with many international brands establishing presence in the country. When entering the market, the perfect location seems for most of them to be found in Iguatemi Group’s Shopping Malls. This research focuses the topic of Luxury Market and Retail, in the form of a case study on Iguatemi Group, which tries to understand How is Iguatemi Group creating opportunities for International Luxury Brands in Brazil? To understand the context of the case, the text explores the Brazilian market evolution, its attraction factors and challenges, the location choice methodology used by international luxury brands, and finally, how is the Iguatemi Group creating opportunities for these brands in Brazil. For doing so, a multiple-methods approach was followed so to achieve a non-biased result. In-depth interviews were conducted with Iguatemi’s managers, international luxury brands’ managers and experts in luxury market and retail; non-participant observation was held, and documentation was examined. The research found that the entry of International Luxury Brands in Brazil started about 20 years ago, mainly explained by the positive structural economic reforms Brazil experienced in this period. 60% of the studied brands chose São Paulo’s Iguatemi malls as first location, in particular Iguatemi São Paulo and JK Iguatemi. The preference over these locations relies mainly on the reputation of the Iguatemi brand and on its positioning in the market which seems to be aligned to that of these brands. From its side, Iguatemi has started actively gathering international luxury brands into the market since 15 years ago, and has intensified its action by creating iRetail, an internal company to the group representing some international luxury brands in Brazil, which have, thus, exclusive locations in its malls. The role of Iguatemi, hence, goes beyond that of a real estate company, by approaching the market with a 360° strategy. These findings contribute for academic purposes, in the extent to which they propose a so far rather unexplored topic, and for managerial purposes by describing a best practice in the shopping center sector. However, the study does not mean to be generalized. Consumers’ perspectives on Iguatemi Group were not addressed; rather, the research took a business to business approach.

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A presente pesquisa investigou a relação entre crescimento econômico e distribuição de renda na América Latina e nos países em desenvolvimento. Ao contrário da literatura sobre o tema, a qual busca estabelecer uma relação causal entre desigualdade e crescimento, a preocupação foi identificar as conseqüências de distintos processos de crescimento econômico sobre a distribuição funcional e pessoal da renda. Como se sabe, o crescimento econômico provêm da acumulação de fatores produtivos e do aumento da produtividade. Nesse sentido, foi possível diferenciar os impactos sobre a distribuição de renda de um crescimento baseado na acumulação de capital daquele baseado em ganhos de produtividade. Esses aspectos deram uma compreensão melhor do processo de crescimento econômico e permitiram avaliar os efeitos de transformações políticas e institucionais sobre o crescimento e a distribuição de renda. A análise empírica centrou foco em dois temas: os efeitos das reformas econômicas na América Latina sobre o crescimento e a distribuição de renda da região; e os efeitos da abertura comercial e financeira mundial sobre o crescimento econômico e a distribuição de renda nas economias em desenvolvimento em seu conjunto.

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A presente tese teve como objetivo explicar a dinâmica político-institucional que produziu um quadro de relações intergovernamentais polarizado na política de saúde no âmbito do SUS ao final da década de 1990. Tal polarização ocorreu em virtude da presença simultânea de expressivo grau de municipalização e elevada capacidade indutiva e regulatória do Ministério da Saúde. As abordagens anteriores presentes na literatura sobre a descentralização do SUS produziam explicações parciais em virtude de apontarem como fatores explicativos da polarização um conjunto de razões específicas, em especial o escopo expressivamente descentralizador da Constituição de 1988, as preferências municipalistas do Movimento da Reforma Sanitária, o conteúdo das normas operacionais, o legado centralizador da trajetória da política de saúde no Brasil, a agenda centralizadora das reformas econômicas realizadas a partir da implementação do Plano Real, entre outros. Com base no arcabouço teórico do NeoInstitucionalismo Histórico, essa tese propõe uma abordagem que integra os diversos fatores condicionantes do jogo federativo setorial em torno de uma explicação sequencial das decisões que marcaram a trajetória da descentralização do SUS. Nessa abordagem, a trajetória das relações intergovernamentais é o resultado cumulativo de uma longa cadeia de decisões tomadas em contextos singulares que marcaram os governos Collor, Itamar e FHC, onde a escolha de um governo afetou o leque de opções disponíveis ao governo seguinte, deixando-lhe menos margem de mudança. Nessa lógica, a polarização federativa é vista como o produto não intencional de uma sequência de decisões que, acumuladas ao longo da década, concentraram poder, atribuições e recursos na União e nos municípios.

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Latin America has recently experienced three cycles of capital inflows, the first two ending in major financial crises. The first took place between 1973 and the 1982 ‘debt-crisis’. The second took place between the 1989 ‘Brady bonds’ agreement (and the beginning of the economic reforms and financial liberalisation that followed) and the Argentinian 2001/2002 crisis, and ended up with four major crises (as well as the 1997 one in East Asia) — Mexico (1994), Brazil (1999), and two in Argentina (1995 and 2001/2). Finally, the third inflow-cycle began in 2003 as soon as international financial markets felt reassured by the surprisingly neo-liberal orientation of President Lula’s government; this cycle intensified in 2004 with the beginning of a (purely speculative) commodity price-boom, and actually strengthened after a brief interlude following the 2008 global financial crash — and at the time of writing (mid-2011) this cycle is still unfolding, although already showing considerable signs of distress. The main aim of this paper is to analyse the financial crises resulting from this second cycle (both in LA and in East Asia) from the perspective of Keynesian/ Minskyian/ Kindlebergian financial economics. I will attempt to show that no matter how diversely these newly financially liberalised Developing Countries tried to deal with the absorption problem created by the subsequent surges of inflow (and they did follow different routes), they invariably ended up in a major crisis. As a result (and despite the insistence of mainstream analysis), these financial crises took place mostly due to factors that were intrinsic (or inherent) to the workings of over-liquid and under-regulated financial markets — and as such, they were both fully deserved and fairly predictable. Furthermore, these crises point not just to major market failures, but to a systemic market failure: evidence suggests that these crises were the spontaneous outcome of actions by utility-maximising agents, freely operating in friendly (‘light-touch’) regulated, over-liquid financial markets. That is, these crises are clear examples that financial markets can be driven by buyers who take little notice of underlying values — i.e., by investors who have incentives to interpret information in a biased fashion in a systematic way. Thus, ‘fat tails’ also occurred because under these circumstances there is a high likelihood of self-made disastrous events. In other words, markets are not always right — indeed, in the case of financial markets they can be seriously wrong as a whole. Also, as the recent collapse of ‘MF Global’ indicates, the capacity of ‘utility-maximising’ agents operating in (excessively) ‘friendly-regulated’ and over-liquid financial market to learn from previous mistakes seems rather limited.

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Latin America has recently experienced three cycles of capital inflows, the first two ending in major financial crises. The first took place between 1973 and the 1982 ‘debt-crisis’. The second took place between the 1989 ‘Brady bonds’ agreement (and the beginning of the economic reforms and financial liberalisation that followed) and the Argentinian 2001/2002 crisis, and ended up with four major crises (as well as the 1997 one in East Asia) — Mexico (1994), Brazil (1999), and two in Argentina (1995 and 2001/2). Finally, the third inflow-cycle began in 2003 as soon as international financial markets felt reassured by the surprisingly neo-liberal orientation of President Lula’s government; this cycle intensified in 2004 with the beginning of a (purely speculative) commodity price-boom, and actually strengthened after a brief interlude following the 2008 global financial crash — and at the time of writing (mid-2011) this cycle is still unfolding, although already showing considerable signs of distress. The main aim of this paper is to analyse the financial crises resulting from this second cycle (both in LA and in East Asia) from the perspective of Keynesian/ Minskyian/ Kindlebergian financial economics. I will attempt to show that no matter how diversely these newly financially liberalised Developing Countries tried to deal with the absorption problem created by the subsequent surges of inflow (and they did follow different routes), they invariably ended up in a major crisis. As a result (and despite the insistence of mainstream analysis), these financial crises took place mostly due to factors that were intrinsic (or inherent) to the workings of over-liquid and under-regulated financial markets — and as such, they were both fully deserved and fairly predictable. Furthermore, these crises point not just to major market failures, but to a systemic market failure: evidence suggests that these crises were the spontaneous outcome of actions by utility-maximising agents, freely operating in friendly (light-touched) regulated, over-liquid financial markets. That is, these crises are clear examples that financial markets can be driven by buyers who take little notice of underlying values — investors have incentives to interpret information in a biased fashion in a systematic way. ‘Fat tails’ also occurred because under these circumstances there is a high likelihood of self-made disastrous events. In other words, markets are not always right — indeed, in the case of financial markets they can be seriously wrong as a whole. Also, as the recent collapse of ‘MF Global’ indicates, the capacity of ‘utility-maximising’ agents operating in unregulated and over-liquid financial market to learn from previous mistakes seems rather limited.

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The recent emerging market experiences have posed a challenge to the conventional wisdom that unsustainable fiscal deficits are the key to understanding financial crises in these countries. The health of the domestic banking system has emerged as the main driving force behind the perverse dynamics of partial reforms. The current paper shares this view and uses a model of contractual inefliciencies in the banking sector to understand the dynamics of these reforms. We find that the threat of a large exchange rate devaluation depends on the stock of international reserves relative to the stock of domestic credit that must be extended by the Central Bank in response to a large capital outflow. Moreover, if a country has a weak banking sector but high net reserve ratios, the capital flow reversal might only increase the vulnerability to a currency crisis without necessarily causing it. The results are in accordance with much of the empiricalliterature on the determinants of financiaI crises in emerging markets. Some aspectsof the recent policy debate on the introduction of capital controls are also analysed.

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This paper studies the effect of financiaI repression and contract enforcement on entrepreneurship and economic development. We construct and solve a general equilibrium mo deI with heterogeneous agents, occupational choice and two financiaI frictions: intermediation costs and financiaI contract enforcement. Occupational choice and firm size are determined endogenously, and depend on agent type (wealth and ability) and the credit market frictions. The mo deI shows that differences across countries in intermediation costs and enforcement generate differences in occupational choice, firm size, credit, output and inequality. Counterfactual experiments are performed for Latin American, European, transition and high growth Asian countries. We use empirical estimates of each country's financiaI frictions, and United States values for all other parameters. The results allow us to isolate the quantitative effect of these financiaI frictions in explaining the performance gap between each country and the United States. The results depend critically on whether à general equilibrium factor price effect is operative, which in turn depends on whether financiaI markets are open or closed. This yields a positive policy prescription: If the goal is to maximize steady-state efficiency, financial reforms should be accompanied by measures to increase financiaI capital mobility.