Risky business: social media metrics and political risk analysis

A quantificação do risco país – e do risco político em particular – levanta várias dificuldades às empresas, instituições, e investidores. Como os indicadores econômicos são atualizados com muito menos freqüência do que o Facebook, compreender, e mais precisamente, medir – o que está ocorrendo no terreno em tempo real pode constituir um desafio para os analistas de risco político. No entanto, com a crescente disponibilidade de “big data” de ferramentas sociais como o Twitter, agora é o momento oportuno para examinar os tipos de métricas das ferramentas sociais que estão disponíveis e as limitações da sua aplicação para a análise de risco país, especialmente durante episódios de violência política. Utilizando o método qualitativo de pesquisa bibliográfica, este estudo identifica a paisagem atual de dados disponíveis a partir do Twitter, analisa os métodos atuais e potenciais de análise, e discute a sua possível aplicação no campo da análise de risco político. Depois de uma revisão completa do campo até hoje, e tendo em conta os avanços tecnológicos esperados a curto e médio prazo, este estudo conclui que, apesar de obstáculos como o custo de armazenamento de informação, as limitações da análise em tempo real, e o potencial para a manipulação de dados, os benefícios potenciais da aplicação de métricas de ferramentas sociais para o campo da análise de risco político, particularmente para os modelos qualitativos-estruturados e quantitativos, claramente superam os desafios.

The inequality curse: constraints and political discretion

We live in an unjust world characterized by economic inequality. No liberal theory of justice is able to justify it. Inequality is not “solved” with equality of opportunity or meritocracy. Nor by the socialist and republican critique. The poor will have to count with them and with democracy to make social progress reality. In their political struggle, they will face one economic constraint: the expected profit rate must remain attractive to business investors. Yet, giving that technological progress in increasingly capital-saving, this economic constraint does not obstruct that wages grow above the productivity rate and inequality is reduced. What really is an obstacle to social justice in the rich countries is, on one hand, the power that capitalist rentiers retain and financists acquired, and, on the other, the competition originated in low wage countries.

State–society cycles and political pacts in a national–dependent society: Brazil

The history of independent Brazil may be divided into three major state–society cycles, and, after 1930, five political pacts or class coalitions can be identified. These pacts were nationalist; only in the 1990s did the Brazilian elites surrender to the neoliberal hegemony. Yet, since the mid-2000s they have been rediscovering the idea of the nation. The main claim of the essay is that Brazilian elites and Brazilian society are “national–dependent”, that is, they are ambivalent and contradictory, requiring an oxymoron to define them. They are dependent because they often see themselves as “European” and the mass of the people as inferior. But Brazil is big enough, and there are enough common interests around its domestic market, to make the Brazilian nation less ambivalent. Today Brazil is seeking a synthesis between the last two political cycles – between social justice and economic development in the framework of democracy.

Special interests and political business cycles

In this paper we bridge the gap between special interest politics and political business cycle literature. We build a framework where the interplay between the lobby power of special interest groups and the voting power of the majority of the population leads to political business cycles. We apply our set up to explain electoral cycles in government expenditure composition, aggregate expenditures and real exchange rates.

Organizações comunitárias de provisão social nos Estados Unidos e França

Documento de pesquisa que aborda o perfil, a dimensão e a magnitude das organizações comunitárias de provisão social na França e nos Estados Unidos, relacionando suas formas de vinculação, dinâmicas e identidades em face da esfera governamental e da esfera privada capitalista, apontando: (i) tipos dominantes de atores e como funcionam seus quadros em relação ao Estado e aos interesses capitalistas no mercado; (ii) recursos mobilizados na interação com o poder político e poder econômico (Estado e empresas capitalistas) quando recebem doações: significado do trabalho voluntariado e das iniciativas de geração de ocupação e renda (associativismo/cooperativismo) e (iii) fins visados e valores expressos. São discutidas as formas de atuação de base, participação local em cada país e é analisada, comparativamente, a questão do significado desses agentes no quadro atual dos atuais sistemas de bem-estar (Welfare State) na sociedade civil norte-americana e francesa.

Property rights as a public policy tool: an empirical analysis of the social and economic effects

Secure property rights are considered a key determinant of economic development. However, the evaluation of the causal effects of land titling is a difficult task. The Brazilian government through a program called "Papel Passado" has issued titles, since 2004, to over 85,000 families and has the goal to reach 750,000. Furthermore, another topic in Public Policy that is crucial to developing economies is income generation and child labor force participation. Particularly, in Brazil, about 5.4 million children and teenagers between 5 and 17 years old are still working. This thesis examines the direct impact of securing a property title on income and child labor force participation. In order to isolate the causal role of ownership security, this study uses a comparison between two close and very similar communities in the City of Osasco case (a town with 650,000 people in the São Paulo metropolitan area). One of them, Jardim Canaã, was fortunated to receive the titles in 2007, the other, Jardim DR, given fiscal constraints, only will be part of the program schedule in 2012, and for that reason became the control group. Also, this thesis also aims to test if there is any relationship between land title and happiness. The estimates suggest that titling results in a substantial decrease of child labor force participation, increase of income and happiness for the families that received the title compared to the others.

Social and entrepreneurial values profiles

O empreendedor tem intrigado acadêmicos há anos. Portanto, inúmeras abordagens têm sido aplicadas para entender quem é o empreendedor, sua personalidade e comportamentos. As principais escolas de estudo sobre o tema são a escola de traços psicológicos e a escola de processos ou comportamentos. No entanto, a academia ainda carece de uma definição concreta do indivíduo responsável pelo fenômeno do empreendedorismo. Em uma tentativa de esclarecer essa questão esta pesquisa sugere uma nova abordagem para a compreensão da pessoa do empreendedor com base nos valores pessoais de Schwartz. O objetivo da tese é compreender o perfil de valores de empreendedores sociais e comerciais a fim de determinar as semelhanças e diferenças nas suas preferências de valores que orientam o comportamento empreendedor de ambos e o enfoque social de um e privado do outro. Para este fim a versão mais curta do Questionário de Perfil Valores de Schwartz foi aplicada a uma amostra de 44 empreendedores sociais e 71 comerciais. A primeira proposição da tese era que os empreendedores sociais e comerciais possuiriam um perfil de valores. A segunda era que este perfil de valores seria determinado pelo princípio organizador da ansiedade com preferência pelos valores “livres de ansiedade” em decorrência das características empreendedoras que enfatizam busca pela auto-expansão, crescimento e promoção do alcance de metas. Dessa forma os valores mais importantes para ambos os tipos de empreendedores seriam auto-determinação, estimulação, hedonismo, universalismo e benevolência. A terceira proposição era que os empreendedores sociais e comerciais atribuiriam a mais alta importância ao valor auto-determinação. A quarta propunha que os empreendedores sociais dariam maior importância do que os comerciais para benevolência e universalismo visto que esses valores presumem apreciação pelos outros, preservação e valorização do bem-estar das pessoas mais próximas bem como de qualquer ser vivo em geral. Os resultados das análises descritivas e dos testes de hipóteses apontam para a validação de todas as proposições menos a última. No entanto, apesar da quarta proposição não haver sido estatisticamente comprovada, houve uma leve tendência dos empreendedores sociais darem maior importância do que os comerciais aos valores de auto-transcendência. Conseqüentemente, para maiores esclarecimentos sobre esse tópico, outros estudos com amostras maiores e randômicas devem ser realizadas.

Reelection incentives and political corruption : evidence from Brazil’s municipal audit reports

This paper uses a unique dataset of political corruption, constructed from municipal audit reports obtained from Brazil’s randomized anti-corruption program, to test whether reelection incentives affect the level of rent extraction of incumbent politicians. In order to identify reelection incentives, we use the existence of a term limit in Brazil’s municipal elections. We find that in municipalities where mayors are in their second and final term, there is significantly more corruption compared to similar municipalities where mayors are in their first-term. In particular, in municipalities with second-term mayors there is, on average, R$188,431 more diversion of resources and the incidence of irregularities is 23% higher. We also find more pronounced effects where the costs of rent-extraction are lower (municipalities without media and judicial presence), and the density of pivotal voters is higher (more political competition). Finally, we show that first-term mayors, while less corrupt, have a larger incidence of poor administration suggesting that there may exist a trade-off between corruption and quality in public good provision.

The Limits of political compromise: debt ceilings and political competition

We study the desirability of limits on the public debt and of political competition in an economy where political parties alternate in office. Due to rent-seeking motives, incumbents have an incentive to set public expenditures above the socially optimal level. Parties cannot commit to future policies, but they can forge a political compromise where each party curbs excessive spending when in office if it expects future governments to do the same. In contrast to the received literature, we find that strict limits on government borrowing can exacerbate political-economy distortions by rendering a political compromise unsustainable. This tends to happen when political competition is limited. Conversely, a tight limit on the public debt fosters a compromise that yields the efficient outcome when political competition is vigorous, saving the economy from immiseration. Our analysis thus suggests a legislative tradeoff between restricting political competition and constraining the ability of governments to issue debt.

Spatial spillovers and political coordination in public health provision

We estimate the impact of the main unconditional federal grant (Fundo de Participaçãodos Municípios - FPM) to Brazilian municipalities as well as its spillover from the neighboring cities on local health outcomes. We consider data from 2002 to 2007 (Brollo et al, 2013) and explore the FPM distribution rule according to population brackets to apply a fuzzy Regression Discontinuity Design (RDD) using cities near the thresholds. In elasticity terms, we nd a reduction on infant mortality rate (-0.18) and on morbidity rate (- 0.41), except in the largest cities of our sample. We also nd an increase on the access to the main program of visiting the vulnerable families, the Family Health Program (Programa Sa ude da Família - PSF). The e ects are stronger for the smallest cities of our sample and we nd increase: (i) On the percentage of residents enrolled in the program (0.36), (ii) On the per capita number of PSF visits (1.59), and (iii) On the per capita number of PSF visits with a doctor (1.8) and nurse (2). After we control for the FPM spillover using neighboring cities near diferent thresholds, our results show that the reduction in morbidity and mortality is largely due to the spillover e ect, but there are negative spillover on preventive actions, as PSF doctors visits and vaccination. Finally, the negative spillover e ect on health resources may be due free riding or political coordination problems, as in the case of the number of hospital beds, but also due to to competition for health professionals, as in the case of number of doctors (-0.35 and -0.87, respectively), specially general practitioners and surgeons (-1.84 and -2.45).