8 resultados para League of Nations

em Repositório digital da Fundação Getúlio Vargas - FGV


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This Paper Tackles the Problem of Aggregate Tfp Measurement Using Stochastic Frontier Analysis (Sfa). Data From Penn World Table 6.1 are Used to Estimate a World Production Frontier For a Sample of 75 Countries Over a Long Period (1950-2000) Taking Advantage of the Model Offered By Battese and Coelli (1992). We Also Apply the Decomposition of Tfp Suggested By Bauer (1990) and Kumbhakar (2000) to a Smaller Sample of 36 Countries Over the Period 1970-2000 in Order to Evaluate the Effects of Changes in Efficiency (Technical and Allocative), Scale Effects and Technical Change. This Allows Us to Analyze the Role of Productivity and Its Components in Economic Growth of Developed and Developing Nations in Addition to the Importance of Factor Accumulation. Although not Much Explored in the Study of Economic Growth, Frontier Techniques Seem to Be of Particular Interest For That Purpose Since the Separation of Efficiency Effects and Technical Change Has a Direct Interpretation in Terms of the Catch-Up Debate. The Estimated Technical Efficiency Scores Reveal the Efficiency of Nations in the Production of Non Tradable Goods Since the Gdp Series Used is Ppp-Adjusted. We Also Provide a Second Set of Efficiency Scores Corrected in Order to Reveal Efficiency in the Production of Tradable Goods and Rank Them. When Compared to the Rankings of Productivity Indexes Offered By Non-Frontier Studies of Hall and Jones (1996) and Islam (1995) Our Ranking Shows a Somewhat More Intuitive Order of Countries. Rankings of the Technical Change and Scale Effects Components of Tfp Change are Also Very Intuitive. We Also Show That Productivity is Responsible For Virtually All the Differences of Performance Between Developed and Developing Countries in Terms of Rates of Growth of Income Per Worker. More Important, We Find That Changes in Allocative Efficiency Play a Crucial Role in Explaining Differences in the Productivity of Developed and Developing Nations, Even Larger Than the One Played By the Technology Gap

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This paper explores the distortions on the cost of education, associated with government policies and institutional factors, as an additional determinant of cross-country income differences. Agents are finitely lived and the model takes into account life-cycle features of human capital accumulation. There are two sectors, one producing goods and the other providing educational services. The model is calibrated and simulated for 89 economies. We find that human capital taxation has a relevant impact on incomes, which is amplified by its indirect effect on returns to physical capital. Life expectancy plays an important role in determining long-run output: the expansion of the population working life increases the present value of the flow of wages, which induces further human capital investment and raises incomes. Although in our simulations the largest gains are observed when productivity is equated across countries, changes in longevity and in the incentives to educational investment are too relevant to ignore.

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Este estudo tem como objetivo analisar a forma como o Brasil e o buscaram se inserir na sociedade internacional europeia – nos moldes Inglesa de Relações Internacionais a define - no período que vai da a assinatura da Lei Eusébio de Queiroz do lado brasileiro e do tratado de Império Otomano, até a criação da Liga das Nações, em 1919. Estes são como “impérios periféricos” ao centro europeu, integrando o grupo que não eram nem colônias, nem potências no período em tela. Assim, contrastar os esforços feitos por Brasil e Império Otomano em utilizar o internacional e a diplomacia – formal e não-formal –, e as formas de transformações que empreenderam em suas capitais visando serem “civilizados”. Por outro lado, chama-se atenção para as conexões que se entre Brasil e Império Otomano justamente em função dessa maior Europa. Estas conexões são analisadas então em duas fases. Uma tentativas formais de relações diplomáticas, chamada de “relações envolveu inclusive viagens de D. Pedro II a domínios otomanos. A vinda de súditos otomanos – gregos, armênios, judeus e árabes – para o Brasil e de novas relações diplomáticas travadas.

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In this paper we look at various alternatives for monetary regimes: dollarization, monetary union and local currency. We use an extension of the debt crisis model of Cole and Kehoe ([3], [4] and [5]), although we do not necessarily follow their sunspot interpretation. Our focus is to appraise the welfare of a country which is heavily dependent on international capital due to low savings, for example, and might suffer a speculative attack on its external public debt. We study the conditions under which countries will be better off adopting each one of the regimes described above. If it belongs to a monetary union or to a local currency regime, a default may be avoided by an ination tax on debt denominated in common or local currency, respectively. Under the former regime, the decision to inate depends on each member country's political inuence over the union's central bank, while, in the latter one, the country has full autonomy to decide about its monetary policy. The possibility that the government inuences the central bank to create ination tax for political reasons adversely affects the expected welfare of both regimes. Under dollarization, ination is ruled out and the country that is subject to an external debt crisis has no other option than to default. Accordingly, one of our main results is that shared ination control strengthens currencies and a common-currency regime is superior in terms of expected welfare to the local-currency one and to dollarization if external shocks that member countries suffer are strongly correlated to each other. On the other hand, dollarization is dominant if the room for political ination under the alternative regime is high. Finally, local currency is dominant if external shocks are uncorrelated and the room for political pressure is mild. We nish by comparing Brazil's and Argentina's recent experiences which resemble the dollarization and the local currency regimes, and appraising the incentives that member countries would have to unify their currencies in the following common markets: Southern Common Market, Andean Community of Nations and Central American Common Market.

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Nos últimos anos foi grande a evolução do estudo das relações civis-militares e seus reflexos para a elaboração das políticas de defesa das nações. Neste contexto, o presente estudo discutiu a evolução das relações civis-militares e da política de defesa da Argentina nos governos democráticos do período de 1983 a 2013. Foi demonstrada a forte influência exercida pelo controle civil sobre os militares na elaboração e na implementação da política de defesa argentina fato que pode ter redundado na perda considerável de efetividade do instrumento militar do país. Foram verificados também, os aspectos positivos e negativos das políticas de defesa planejadas e implementadas pelos sucessivos governos do período. Por último, observou-se a necessidade da utilização dos modernos conceitos de efetividade e de eficiência com o objetivo de melhorar a qualidade da política de defesa do Estado Argentino.

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In this paper, we investigate the nature of income inequality across nations. First, rather than functional forms or parameter values in calibration exercises that can potentially drives results, we estimate, test, and distinguish between types of aggregate production functions currently used in the growth literature. Next, given our panel-regression estimates, we perform several exercises, such as variance decompositions, simulations and counter-factual analyses. The picture that emerges is one where countries grew in the past for different reasons, which should be an important ingredient in policy design. Although there is not a single-factor explanation for the difference in output per-worker across nations, inequality, followed by distortions to capital accumulations and them by human capital accumulation.