Avaliação de processo do Programa de Regionalização do Turismo em 65 municípios turísticos brasileiros

Este estudo apresenta uma pesquisa realizada em 65 municípios turísticos brasileiros, no período de dezembro de 2007 a fevereiro de 2008, cujo objetivo é avaliar a implementação do Programa de Regionalização do Turismo nesses municípios. Este programa é o eixo principal das políticas públicas do turismo brasileiro, lançado pelo Ministério do Turismo em 2004. Para compreensão dessa política pública do turismo, realizou-se uma pesquisa documental nos arquivos do Ministério do Turismo, neste descrevem-se o Plano Nacional de Turismo (2003-2007) e o Programa de Regionalização do Turismo; também se realizou uma revisão de literatura sobre os princípios e conceitos em que se alicerça o programa: descentralização participativa, integração, sustentabilidade e a elaboração de uma matriz para avaliação de processo utilizada neste trabalho. Faziam parte da pesquisa as 27 capitais estaduais, o Distrito Federal e mais 37 municípios localizados em consolidados destinos turísticos (Floresta Amazônica, Pantanal Mato-grossense, Serras Gaúchas, Cidades Históricas de Minas, Litoral do Nordeste e outros). Por meio da pesquisa de campo e observação sistemática in loco, 23 pesquisadores coletaram informações dos gestores de turismo locais, utilizando-se de formulários fechados. Estes formulários forma elaborados tendo em vista os objetivos dos nove módulos operacionais previstos no Programa de Regionalização do Turismo e seus indicadores de resultados previamente determinados. As respostas, depois da tabuladas e calculadas suas frequências, foram transformadas em gráficos de colunas para fornecer uma visão clara da atual situação do programa em relação à sua implementação nos municípios. Analisando os resultados, obteve-se que, dos nove módulos do programa, quatro foram implementados com eficácia restrita nos municípios, necessitando de ajustes em suas ações operacionais, por parte dos municípios; outros quatro módulos alcançaram resultados mais modestos quanto à sua implementação, demandando melhor acompanhamento e correções por conta dos gestores de turismo; e um módulo teve resultado ineficaz, pois foi implementado em apenas sete municípios, este sim, merecendo maior atenção na sua estruturação, nos seus objetivos, competências delegadas e estratégias. Confrontando esses resultados com a revisão teórica aqui levantada, verificou-se que o processo descentralizador aflorou a fragilidade dos municípios que não cumprem com suas atribuições previstas no programa; evidenciou-se uma fraca integração entre municípios e entre setores público/privado, no sentido de formarem ¿redes¿ de relacionamento e mostrou que o principal programa público de turismo do Brasil está carente de monitoramento e avaliação.

Processos produtivos e trabalho-educação: a incorporação do caboclo catarinense na indústria madeireira

The object theme of the present study is a population of caboclos that absorbed as manual workers in the saw-mills which were mounted in the highland region of Santa Catarina since 1950. The abundance of araucaria (native kind of pine) the opening of markets, and the corroboration of other industrial exploration conditions encouraged a great crowd of small en.- trepreneurs, coming basically from the state of Rio Grande do Sul, to migrate and settle down, building up a lot of saw-mills near rich forests and fields. The saw-mills started aprosperous production of timber sawn in planks. The process of industriali zation was so intensive, the destruction of pine woods soviolent that, in less than three decades, the forests ran out of tree reserves. The caboclos, absorbed as manual workers in production of timber, lived traditionally in an system of subsistense, either from the cultivation of pine the economic their land (planter caboclo) or as labourers in cattle-growing farms (farm hand caboclos). Nevertheless, the 'advantages' that were offered them by the new-comer entrepreneurs (a salary paid in money, a new house in a village, and other favours) helped the great majority of caboclos to abandon their traditional work and enlist as "workmen" in saw-mills. The new job, besides being a novelty, was an opportunity for a change in status. Subsequently, the running out of forests of araucaria and the resultant progressive shut-down of saw-mills caused the crowd of workmen to be out of imployment and to form to form a migratory flood toward the most important town of the region, Lages. The town of Lages, however, having made of the timber i ts main economic support wi thout the implantation of an alternative industry, was unable to offer the migrantssufficient 'work places'. In this way, the 'marginal crowd' began to settle down in the suburbs of the city. This study, in the context of the object theme, analyses two main questions related to the reality 'WOlLQ' and to the economic exploitation forms: ~) the relations of production in the economic regime of subsistence and in the capitalist regime of industrial production with the consequent 'positions' of the workman in the productive processj ~~) the deriving educative effects of the productive process, either in the economic regime of subsistence, or in the capitalist industrial regime. The two questions are theoretically debated andconfro~ ted with the proposed reality, giving origin to conclusions that, in a general formulation, can be summarized as follows: a) the caboclos of the highland region of Santa Catari na, when under an economic regime of subsistence, held in fee the productive processj there was a social division of the work and aclimate of freedom which made possible the development of knowledge from their life and work experience, the production of most of their tools, and the making of necessary manufactures adapted to their own surrounding ditionsi -- - --- other con- ------ b) however, these same caboclos, when absorbed by the capitalist industrial process of production - tipified by the work in saw-mills - lost the control of the productive processj this was caused by the technologic division of the work, since each man began to perform a dull and repeti tive action, directed by the speed of the 'major-saw' j man resigned form his skill and inventive power and surrendered to an executive authority which turned him into a 'collective worker'j the new productive process, besides rnaking each rnan a copy of a pattern, put the caboclos in a situation in which the daily work experiencedidn't add anything in terrns of autogenesis of knowledgei and even the environrnental educative rneans were reduced to new forrns of adaptation to the productive process, relegating rnan's inventive power to inertia.

An exploratory study on how to improve the economy of American Samoa

Deep in the South Pacific region about 2,300 miles southwest of the Hawaiian islands1 lies a United States territory that many Americans have never heard of nor known anything about. However, some famous Americans such as Troy Polamalu of the Pittsburgh Steelers, semi retired professional wrestler Dwayne “The Rock” Johnson, and Hawaii Congresswoman Tulsi Gabbard have genealogical roots there. More importantly, many of the Territory’s sons and daughters have served and lost their lives for the United States flag and the cause of freedom around the world. This place is called American Samoa, a collection of seven islands that if glued together would have a total landmass of approximately 76 square miles, just a tad bigger than the capital city of the United States. According to the United States Census Bureau, there were 55,519 residents of American Samoa in 2010.1 The majority of them are ethnic Samoans, a Polynesian sect that traces its history back to early migrants from Southeast Asia who settled the islands around 1500 B.C.2 3 The climate is warm all year long and the forests along the mountains are ripe with vegetation. The main island is Tutuila with its beautiful and coveted landlocked harbor that was used as a coaling station by the United States naval ships during World War II. In fact, it was the Pago Pago Harbor that diminished the impact of the 2009 Tsunami that devastated the Samoan islands by channeling the waters of the Pacific Ocean towards the end of the harbor instead of flooding many other villages surrounding the Pago Pago Bay area. Lives and property were destroyed near the end of the Harbor but it could have been worse for the entire Bay area. Locally grown foods include coconut, taro, banana, guava, sugar cane, papaya, yam, pineapple, and breadfruit. It is completely surrounded by the Pacific Ocean from which the locals obtain a variety of seafood. There is a popular saying in Samoa that goes, “In Samoa, it is impossible to starve 1 American Samoa Department of Commerce, 2012 Statistical Yearbook, http://www.doc.as/wpcontent/uploads/2011/06/2012-Statistical-Yearbook-1.pdf 2 U.S. Census Bureau News, U.S. Census Bureau Releases 2010 Census Population Counts for American Samoa, http://www.census.gov/2010census/news/releases/operations/cb11-cn177.html (Aug. 24, 2011). 3 3 J. Robert Shaffer, American Samoa: 100 Years Under the United States Flag (Honolulu, Hawaii: Island Heritage Publishing, 2000), 34. 4 because people live off of the land’s and the ocean’s abundant resources.” To the west of American Samoa lies a larger group of four islands that make up the Sovereign State of Samoa, which became independent from New Zealand in 1962. Samoa and American Samoa share the same language, culture, and religion but are divided by government and political systems. The focus of this study will be on American Samoa, which became a United States territory in 1900 when the principal chiefs of Tutuila (the largest island in American Samoa) ceded the islands to the United States.