19 resultados para Economic Development: General

em Repositório digital da Fundação Getúlio Vargas - FGV


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In this paper we construct and analyze a growth model with the following three ingredients. (i) Technological progress is embodied. (ii) The production function of a firm is such that the firm makes both technology upgrade as well as capital and labor decisions. (iii) The firm’s production technology is putty-clay. We assume that there are disincentives to the accumulation of capital, resulting in a divergence between the social and the private cost of investment. We solve a single firm’s problem in this environment. Then we determine general equilibrium prices of capital goods of different vintages. Using these prices we aggregate firms’ decisions and construct the theoretical analogues of National Income statistics. This generates a relationship between disincentives and per capita incomes. We analyze this relationship and show the quantitative and qualitative roles of embodiment and putty-clay. We also show how the model is taken to data, quantified and used to determine to what extent income gaps across countries can be attributed to disincentives.

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The objectives of this paper are twofold. First, it intends to provide theoretical elements to analyze the relation between real exchange rates and economic development. Our main hypothesis is very much in line with the Dutch disease literature, and states that competitive currencies contribute to the existence and maintenance of the anufacturing sector in the economy. This, in turn, brings about higher growth rates in the long run, given the existence of increasing returns in the industrial sector, and its importance in generating echnological change and increasing productivity in the overall economy. The second objective of this paper is empirical. It intends to analyze examples of successful exchange rate policies, such as Chile and Indonesia in the eighties, as a benchmark for comparison with countries where currency overvaluation has taken place, such as Brazil. In the latter case, the local currency is being inflated by large capital inflows, due to high domestic interest rates and to a boom in demand and prices of commodities in the international markets. It will be argued that the industrial sector bears most of the burden when the currency appreciates, and that Brazil risks at deindustrialization if there are no changes in the exchange rate regime

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Durante a recente crise da dívida soberana europeia, os fundos soberanos demonstraram seu peso na esfera financeira global. Contribuíram para salvar o sistema financeiro dos países desenvolvidos, distribuindo créditos que as entidades financeiras tradicionais do Norte não podiam mais providenciar. Em 2012, os ativos totais desses fundos atingiram USD 4.620 bilhões, comparado aos USD 3.355 bilhões de antes da crise, no final de 2007 (Preqin, 2012). Sendo quase todos criados por economias em desenvolvimento ou subdesenvolvidas, os fundos soberanos podem então ser vistos como o símbolo de um recente reequilíbrio do poder a favor desses países (Santiso, 2008). Além disso, em um futuro próximo, espera-se que os fundos soberanos afastem-se dos países desenvolvidos para investir mais em países em desenvolvimento. Nesse contexto, os países africanos estão cada vez mais alvos de investimentos dos fundos (Triki & Faye, 2011). O estudo subjacente analisa dois fundos, o IFC ALAC e o Mubadala Development Company, para entender como, de acordo com as percepções dos seus gestores, os fundos soberanos podem ajudar no desenvolvimento dos países beneficiários. Mais precisamente, trata-se definir, através de um estudo de casos múltiplos, quais são os mecanismos pelos quais os fundos soberanos podem impactar o desenvolvimento da África ocidental. Os resultados sugerem que, segundo os gestores, os fundos soberanos podem desempenhar um papel significativo no desenvolvimento dos países beneficiários. Eles investem em alguns setores-chave da economia (bancos, infraestruturas etc.), criando condições favoráveis ao desenvolvimento local. Além disso, através de um efeito multiplicador, os investimentos dos fundos soberanos alavancam novos investimentos do setor privado local ou global, fortalecendo o tecido industrial e produtivo do país beneficiário. Porém, parece que as empresas beneficiárias não ajudam nas transferências de conhecimento e de tecnologia, embora sejam essenciais para o desenvolvimento econômico, e se limitam a programas de treinamento específico e de RSE. Além disso, apesar dos investimentos de fundos soberanos impulsionarem o crescimento da região, eles também podem agravar a dependência dessas economias à exportação de commodities. Finalmente, os impactos positivos dos fundos soberanos sobre a economia regional são muitas vezes reduzidos devido a conflitos políticos e barreiras estruturais exigindo reformas profundas e de longo prazo.

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Apos uma década de rápido crescimento econômico na primeira década do século 21, Brasil e Turquia foram considerados duas das economias emergentes mais dinâmicas e promissoras. No entanto, vários sinais de dificuldades econômicas e tensões políticas reapareceram recentemente e simultaneamente nos dois países. Acreditamos que esses sinais e a sua simultaneidade podem ser entendidos melhor com um olhar retrospectivo sobre a história econômica dos dois países, que revela ser surpreendentemente paralela. Numa primeira parte, empreendemos uma comparação abrangente da história econômica brasileira e turca para mostrar as numerosas similaridades entre os desafios de política econômica que os dois países enfrentaram, assim como entre as respostas que eles lhes deram desde a virada da Grande Depressão até a primeira década do século 21. Essas escolhas de política econômica comuns dão forma a uma trajetória de desenvolvimento notavelmente análoga, caracterizada primeiro pela adoção do modelo de industrialização por substituição das importações (ISI) no contexto da recessão mundial dos anos 1930; depois pela intensificação e crise final desse modelo nos anos 1980; e finalmente por duas décadas de estabilização e transição para um modelo econômico mais liberal. Numa segunda parte, o desenvolvimento das instituições econômicas e políticas, assim como da economia política subjacente nos dois países, são analisados comparativamente a fim de prover alguns elementos de explicação do paralelo observado na primeira parte. Sustentamos que o marco institucional estabelecido nos dois países durante esse período também têm varias características fundamentais em comum e contribui a explicar as escolhas de política econômica e as performances econômicas comparáveis, detalhadas na primeira parte. Este estudo aborda elementos do contexto histórico úteis para compreender a situação econômica e política atual nos dois países. Potencialmente também constitui uma tentativa de considerar as economias emergentes numa perspectiva histórica e comparativa mais ampla para entender melhor as suas fraquezas institucionais e adotar um olhar mais equilibrado sobre seu potencial econômico.

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O Banco Interamericano de Desenvolvimento, o Banco Mundial, e outras organizações financiam iniciativas para acelerar o desenvolvimento da região da América Latina e Caribe. Antes do final da década de 80, vários projetos e políticas dessas instituições careciam de considerações ligadas à gênero e foram criticadas por essa falta (Flora, 1998). Em 1987, o BID publicou um documento sobre uma nova política operacional sobre mulheres e desenvolvimento e vem desde então buscando institucionalizar gênero e criar indicadores para medir os impactos relacionados à gênero em seus projetos. O objetivo dessa dissertação é explorar o tema de gênero no contexto do desenvolvimento internacional através de uma análise de como o Banco Interamericano de Desenvolvimento inclui gênero em suas operações. Após uma revisão literária sobre a importância de gênero e de bancos de desenvolvimento, essa dissertação irá analisar de que maneira gênero é incluído nas discussões dos projetos do Banco à nível institucional. A pesquisa será feita através de documentação disponível para o público geral, documentos internos e entrevistas em vídeo com pessoal do BID. Após uma análise dos dados coletados, recomendações para ações futuras serão dadas.

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The role of judicial systems in determining economic perfonnance has gained increasingly attention in recent years. Nonetheless, the literature lacks a clearly articulated framework to examine how judicial systems influence the investment and production decisions of economic agents. This paper tries to till in this gap. It examines what constitutes a well-functioning judiciary, analyzes how dysfunctional judicial systems compromise economic growth, and reviews the relevant empirical literature. It concludes with some remarks about why, despite the widespread perception that well-functioning legal and judicial systems are key to the success of market-oriented reforms in developing and transition countries, judicial refonn has lagged so much behind other reforms.

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Progress was an idea of the 18th century; development, a project of the 20th century that continues into the 21st century. Progress was associated with the advance of reason, development with the fulfillment of the five political objectives that modern societies set for themselves: security, freedom, economic well-being, social justice and protection of the environment. Today we can view progress and development as equivalent. Both were products of the capitalist revolution, and of the economic development that began with it. Economic development or growth, in its turn, is the process of capital accumulation with the incorporation of technical progress that, mainly through productive sophistication and the increase of the value of labor, increases wages and improves standards of living. The five objectives that define development, as well as the three social instances existing in society change in an interdependent way.

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This paper studies the effect of financiaI repression and contract enforcement on entrepreneurship and economic development. We construct and solve a general equilibrium mo deI with heterogeneous agents, occupational choice and two financiaI frictions: intermediation costs and financiaI contract enforcement. Occupational choice and firm size are determined endogenously, and depend on agent type (wealth and ability) and the credit market frictions. The mo deI shows that differences across countries in intermediation costs and enforcement generate differences in occupational choice, firm size, credit, output and inequality. Counterfactual experiments are performed for Latin American, European, transition and high growth Asian countries. We use empirical estimates of each country's financiaI frictions, and United States values for all other parameters. The results allow us to isolate the quantitative effect of these financiaI frictions in explaining the performance gap between each country and the United States. The results depend critically on whether à general equilibrium factor price effect is operative, which in turn depends on whether financiaI markets are open or closed. This yields a positive policy prescription: If the goal is to maximize steady-state efficiency, financial reforms should be accompanied by measures to increase financiaI capital mobility.

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The paper, first, summarizes Latin American structuralism, and offers reasons why it was so influential and durable in the region, as it attended to real demands, and was part of 1950s’mainstream economics. Second, says why, with 1980s’Great Crisis, structuralism eventually ended itself into crisis, as it was unable to keep pace with historical new facts, particularly with the industrial revolution or takeoff, that made Latin American economies intermediary, still developing, but fully capitalist. Third, it lists the consensus that today exists on economic development. Forth, opposes “official orthodoxy” to “developmental populism”, the former deriving from neoclassical economics, the later from structuralism, and offers, in relation to six strategic issues, a progressive development alternative.

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The present volume is the fruit of a research initiative on Access to Knowledge begun in 2004 by Yochai Benkler, Eddan Katz, and myself. Access to Knowledge is both a social movement and an approach to international and domestic policy. In the present era of globalization, intellectual property and information and communications technology are major determinants of wealth and power. The principle of access to knowledge argues that we best serve both human rights and economic development through policies that make knowledge, knowledge-creating tools, and nowledgeembedded goods as widely available as possible for decentralized innovation and use. Open technological standards, a balanced approach to intellectual property rights, and expansion of an open telecommunications infrastructure enable ordinary people around the world to benefit from the technological advances of the information age and allow them to generate a vibrant, participatory and democratic culture. Law plays a crucial role in securing access to knowledge, determining whether knowledge and knowledge goods are shared widely for the benefit of all, or controlled and monopolized for the benefit of a few.

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This manuscript empirically assesses the effects of political institutions on economic growth. It analyzes how political institutions affect economic growth in different stages of democratization and economic development by means of dynamic panel estimation with interaction terms. The new empirical results obtained show that political institutions work as a substitute for democracy promoting economic growth. In other words, political institutions are important for increasing economic growth, mainly when democracy is not consolidated. Moreover, political institutions are extremely relevant to economic outcomes in periods of transition to democracy and in poor countries with high ethnical fractionalization.

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Granting economic development incentives (or “EDIs”) has become commonplace throughout the United States, but the efficiency of these mechanisms is generally unwarranted. Both the politicians granting, and the companies seeking, EDIs have incentives to overestimate the EDIs benefits. For politicians, ribbon–cutting ceremonies can be the highly desirable opportunity to please political allies and financiers, and the same time that they demonstrate to the population that they are successful in promoting economic growth – even when the population would be better off otherwise. In turn, businesses are naturally prone to seek governmental aid. This explains in part why EDIs often “fail” (i.e. don’t pay–off). To increase transparency and mitigate the risk of EDI failure, local and state governments across the country have created a number of accountability mechanisms. The general trait of these accountability mechanisms is that they apply controls to some of the sub–risks that underlie the risk of EDI failure. These sub–risks include the companies receiving EDIs not generating the expected number of jobs, not investing enough in their local facilities, not attracting the expected additional businesses investments to the jurisdiction, etc. The problem with such schemes is that they tackle the problem of EDI failure very loosely. They are too narrow and leave multiplier effects uncontrolled. I propose novel contractual framework for implementing accountability mechanisms. My suggestion is to establish controls on the risk of EDI failure itself, leaving its underlying sub–risks uncontrolled. I call this mechanism “Contingent EDIs”, because the EDIs are made contingent on the government achieving a preset target that benchmarks the risk of EDI failure. If the target is met, the EDIs will ex post kick in; if not, then the EDIs never kick in.

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The developed democracies only have results or crystallise, when the exercise of the government policies has two dimensions: the first one, is the dimension of the government decisions making: in which, the governor accomplishes the priorities and orientations submitted to the population by electoral decisions. Then the second dimension, is the functionality of the State: capable to transform policies into convergent actions for accomplishment of the negotiated results. The consolidation of the democracy and the consequent increase of the social demand by decisions and public and government lawsuits, able to generate results that attend collectively the different levels of the society and able to aggregate and articulate additional values to their interests, imposes to the public sector administration, great challenges of public policies. Nowadays, the indispensable condition to guarantee a minimum governmental benchmark, it to overcome these challenges, in the plan of the public administration, demanded for the promotion of the economic development, in the democratic scope, to reach the politician-institutional values of the society. However, It is undeniable, the universality of the challenges of public administration that consequently, are the effects of modern administrative systems. To attempt the best result, the mast satisfy the attributes of speed, flexibility, integration and innovation, amongst others. The diffusion of guided doctrines of public management by results is reflecting in the institutionalization of new types of bureaucratic activities and amongst this context, it is distinguished as a basic importance of what we call Performance Audit. This work intends to describe how the control organs and especially the Accounts Court of the Union, the sensitive demands of the society, and attending to new constitutional order, they are structuring itself to face the new organizational and institutional challenges, in consequence of the gradual redefinition of your task, more and more liable uncertainties, current of the intimate nature of the performance audit, in development, face the traditional audit, which characterizes them in general. Therefore, the main goal of this these, is the analysis of the organizational challenges and consequently ,the lawsuits changes of the organizational structures faced in general by the Brazilian¿s Accounts Courts, which we believe, will help to elaborate paths of propulsive evaluating and restrictive elements to the innovations that are intended to introduce the systems of necessary control in the evaluation of government programs.