A política pública para resposta às ameaças químicas, biológicas, radiológicas, nucleares e explosivas

Esta pesquisa objetiva verificar de que forma, no Brasil, as políticas públicas relacionadas às ameaças químicas, biológicas, radiológicas, nucleares e explosivas (QBRNE) contribuem para o preparo de resposta a um incidente de tal natureza. No mundo contemporâneo há uma concentração das populações nos centros urbanos, tornando-as vulneráveis a desastres químicos, biológicos, radiológicos e nucleares, os quais podem ser desencadeados por eventos adversos, intencionais ou não, resultando em grandes impactos humanos, ambientais, materiais, sociais e econômicos à nação. O terrorismo é uma das possibilidades de ocorrência de um grande desastre, utilizando-se principalmente de atentados com explosivos e podendo se valer dos efeitos dos agentes contaminantes. Então, foram pesquisadas e apresentadas políticas públicas e ações do governo federal norte-americano para o trato de ameaças QBRNE, as quais são comparadas à situação prospectada no território brasileiro, por meio da legislação, políticas públicas, orçamento, documentos e bibliografia. Diversas instituições foram avaliadas quanto ao papel a ser desempenhado em uma situação emergencial, sendo os dados tratados por análise de conteúdo e historiografia. A literatura sobre política pública é ampla, com rica discussão sobre as boas práticas de gestão pública, a evolução do papel dos servidores públicos para um ser técnico e político simultaneamente e de que maneira é influenciada a concepção de uma política pública. O Modelo de Fluxos Múltiplos e a Teoria de Equilíbrio Pontuado são usados para compreender o processo dinâmico de construção da agenda decisória no governo federal para o tema estudado. Concluiu-se que as políticas públicas de resposta para ameaças QBRNE surgem dispersas em diversas instituições, promovidas pelas equipes técnicas, de maneira descentralizada e sem uma orientação do governo central, o que acarreta sobreposição de atividades, havendo casos de problemas não tratados, desprezando-se a complementação de recursos e efetivos.

How resource rich countries attract foreign direct investments: a study of Western Asian countries and strategies of industrialization and diversification

Fuel is a self-depleting resource and long term dependency on this commodity alone will not suffice. An export trade oriented approach can lead to faster industrialization while diversification leads to economic sustainable growth. This research seeks to understand how countries compete for foreign direct investments, and how certain activities have the most impact in the competitive global marketplace. Research suggests that when companies decide to invest abroad, they seek only to find countries that facilitate their strategic objectives. The results conclude with appropriate levels of government accountability, credibility and visibility with the private sector, foreign direct investment is attracted by policy advocacy and policy reform. By reviewing countries such as United Arab Emirates in direct comparison to Western Asian countries, including Kuwait and Iraq with high levels of fuel exports, along with Qatar with optimistic marketplace indicators and plentitude of skills and capabilities – research seems to suggest that despite high capabilities and attractive GDP, promotional investment activities yield the highest returns using policy advocacy and reform.

Homogeneous middles vs. heterogeneous tails, and the end of the ‘Inverted-U’: the share of the rich is what it’s all about

This paper examines the current global scene of distributional disparities within-nations. There are six main conclusions. First, about 80 per cent of the world’s population now live in regions whose median country has a Gini not far from 40. Second, as outliers are now only located among middle-income and rich countries, the ‘upwards’ side of the ‘Inverted-U’ between inequality and income per capita has evaporated (and with it the statistical support there was for the hypothesis that posits that, for whatever reason, ‘things have to get worse before they can get better’). Third, among middle-income countries Latin America and mineral-rich Southern Africa are uniquely unequal, while Eastern Europe follows a distributional path similar to the Nordic countries. Fourth, among rich countries there is a large (and growing) distributional diversity. Fifth, within a global trend of rising inequality, there are two opposite forces at work. One is ‘centrifugal’, and leads to an increased diversity in the shares appropriated by the top 10 and bottom 40 per cent. The other is ‘centripetal’, and leads to a growing uniformity in the income-share appropriated by deciles 5 to 9. Therefore, half of the world’s population (the middle and upper-middle classes) have acquired strong ‘property rights’ over half of their respective national incomes; the other half, however, is increasingly up for grabs between the very rich and the poor. And sixth, Globalisation is thus creating a distributional scenario in which what really matters is the income-share of the rich — because the rest ‘follows’ (middle classes able to defend their shares, and workers with ever more precarious jobs in ever more ‘flexible’ labour markets). Therefore, anybody attempting to understand the within-nations disparity of inequality should always be reminded of this basic distributional fact following the example of Clinton’s campaign strategist: by sticking a note on their notice-boards saying “It’s the share of the rich, stupid”.