15 resultados para Alternative public sphere and radical

em Repositório digital da Fundação Getúlio Vargas - FGV


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In this article we study the growth and welfare effects of fiscal and monetary policies in economies where public investment is part of the productive process we present four different models that share the same technology with public infrastructure as a separate argument of the production function. We show that growth is maximized at positive levels of income tax and inflation. However, unless there are no transfers or public goods in the economy, maximization of growth does not imply welfare maximization we show that the optimal tax rate is greater than the rate that maximizes growth and the optimal rate of money creation is below the growth maximizing rate. With public infrastructure in the production function we no longer obtain superneutrality in the Sidrausky model.

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We construct and simulate a model to study the welfare and macroeconomic impact of government actions when its productive role is taken into account. The trade-off between public investment and public consumption is also investigated, since public consumption is introduced as a public good that directly affects individuals' well-being. Our results replicate econometric evidence showing that part of the observed slowdown of U.S. productivity growth can be explained by the reduction of investment in infrastructure which also implied a sizable welfare 1085 to the popu1ation. Depending on the methodology used we found a welfare cost ranging from 4.2% to 1.16% of GNP. The impact of fiscal policy can be qualitative and quantitative distinct depending on Whether we assume a higher or smaller output elasticity to infrastructure. If it is high enough, increases in tax rates may stimulate accumulation and production, which is the opposite prediction of standard ncocJassica1 models.

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in this anicle we measure the impact of public sector capital and investment on economic growth. Initially, traditional growth accounting regressions are run for a cross-country data set. A simple endogenous growth model is then constructed in order to take into account the determinants of labor, private capital and public capital. In both cases, public capital is a separate argument of the production function. An additional data-set constructed with quarterly American data was used in the estimations of the growth mode!. The results indicate lhat public capital and public investment play a significant role in determining growth rates and have a significant impact on capital and labor returns. Furthermore, the impact of public investment on productivity growth was found to be positive and always significant for bolh samples. Hence. in a fully optimizing modelo we confmn previous results in the literature that lhe failure of public investment to keep pace with output growlh during the Seventies and Eighties may have played a major role in the slowdown of lhe productivity growth in the period. Anolher main outcome concems the output elasticity wilh respect to public capital. The coefficiem estimates are always positive and significant but magnitudes depend on each of lhe two data set used.

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a theoretical model is constructed in order to explain particular historical experiences in which inflation acceleration apparently helped to spur a period of economic growth. Government financed expenditures affect positively the productivity growth in this model so that the distortionary effect of inflation tax is compensated by the productive effect of public expenditures. We show that for some interval of money creation rates there is an equilibrium where money is valued and where steady state physical capital grows with inflation. It is also shown that zero inflation and growth maximization are never the optimal policies.

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Research that seeks to estimate the effects of fiscal policies on economic growth has ignored the role of public debt in this relationship. This study proposes a theoretical model of endogenous growth, which demonstrates that the level of the public debt-to-gross domestic product (GDP) ratio should negatively impact the effect of fiscal policy on growth. This occurs because government indebtedness extracts part of the savings of the young to pay interest on the debts of the older generation, who are no longer saving. Therefore, the payment of debt interest assumes an allocation exchange role between generations that is similar to a pay-as-you-go pension system, which results in changes in the savings rate of the economy. The major conclusions of the theoretical model were tested using an econometric model to provide evidence for the validity of this conclusion. Our empirical analysis controls for timeinvariant, country-specific heterogeneity in the growth rates. We also address endogeneity issues and allow for heterogeneity across countries in the model parameters and for cross-sectional dependence.

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Esta dissertação examina as organizações do espaço público não-estatal e suas relações de accountability com o Estado e com outros atores da sociedade, com o propósito de avaliar as necessidades e possibilidades de regulação para a responsabilização de tais organizações no Brasil. A partir de parâmetros normativos e acadêmicos internacionais, a pesquisa busca apreciar em que medida a regulação brasileira das organizações do espaço público não-estatal assegura ― e o que é necessário para que assegure ― a accountability destas organizações perante o Estado e a sociedade, indicando os principais méritos e falhas do correspondente aparato regulatório e apresentando possibilidades para seu aprimoramento. Esta análise salienta que apesar de tais organizações terem numerosos deveres de demonstrar sua probidade administrativa e financeira e as atividades executadas, são pouquíssimas as obrigações de comprovar o cumprimento dos resultados pretendidos. Além disso, depreende-se que o Estado detém amplos poderes para fiscalizar tais organizações e aplicar-lhes sanções, mas a sociedade como um todo tem consideravelmente menos oportunidades de demandar sua accountability. Isto evidencia a importância de tais organizações ampliarem seus deveres de transparência e de assegurar a prevalência do interesse público, de modo a garantir a qualquer cidadão a prerrogativa de fiscalizar as organizações do espaço público não-estatal.

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Este trabalho investiga os discursos dos que se posicionaram contra ou a favor da criação do Conselho Nacional de Justiça (CNJ), que era um dos itens previstos na reforma do Judiciário. Esta tramitou no Legislativo por quase doze anos. Sustentamos que essa tramitação perdurou por tanto tempo devido a falta de consenso entre diversos itens nela previstos, sendo a criação de um órgão de controle do Judiciário, o principal deles. Dessa forma, consideramos que esse consenso foi estabelecido por meio de negociações entre os atores envolvidos, como pode ser notado nos discursos analisados. Portanto, analisamos os discursos mobilizados por diversos atores que utilizaram a mídia – em específico os jornais – para lançar esse tema na esfera pública e produziram um debate público em torno da criação de um órgão de controle do Judiciário, no período de 2003 e 2004. Esse debate refletiu na atuação de vários atores e na tramitação da reforma no Senado. A atuação discursiva dos favoráveis e contrários ao controle do Judiciário é tida, portanto, como disputa por espaços de poder, que permitiu aos diversos atores construir consensos sobre o que aprovar e rejeitar no caso da reforma do Judiciário. Um dos pontos acordados foi o da criação do Conselho Nacional de Justiça, que acabou aprovado.

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This study aimed to map the key positions regarding the constitutionality of the Maria da Penha Law (Law 11.340/2006) in the Brazilian judicial system. The law, the result of political struggles by the Brazilian feminist movement, has been the subject of discussions in the public sphere and actions aimed at consolidating its constitutionality before the Federal Supreme Court. We examined and discussed the arguments used in the Courts, intending to show that the creation of law is not limited to the legislative moment, but rather that its social meaning is also constituted through disputes within the Judiciary.

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Este artigo pretende conectar aspectos gerais das teorias deliberativas de democracia a mecanismos específicos disponíveis aos usuários das redes sociais. Aponta-se quais ferramentas das redes sociais colaboram com a constituição de uma esfera pública e o desenvolvimento de uma democracia deliberativa, especialmente quando incorporadas pela comunicação do Estado. Para tanto, reconstruímos sistematicamente a estrutura teórica da democracia deliberativa e, em seguida, avaliamos ferramentas específicas, ilustrando-as com exemplos nacionais de seu uso. Julgamos que esse tipo de análise é relevante para que se determine no futuro como estruturar a comunicação entre órgãos estatais e sociedade, de maneira a maximizar seu potencial deliberativo.

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This article studies the interplay between fiscal rules, public investment and growth in Brazil. It is investigated if it would make sense to raise public investment and, if so, under which fiscal rule it is best to do it — whether through tax financing, debt financing, or a reduction of public consumption. We construct and simulate a competitive general equilibrium model, calibrated to Brazilian economy, in which public capital is a component of the production function and public consumption directly affects individuals’ well-being. After assessing the impacts of alternative fiscal rules, the paper concludes that the most desirable financing scheme is the reduction of public consumption, which dominates the others in terms of output and welfare gains. The model replicates the observed growth slowdown of the Brazilian economy when we increase taxes and reduce public capital formation to the levels observed after 1980 and shows that the growth impact of the expansion of tax collection in Brazil was much larger than that of public investment compression.

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Why is there such a pressing effort to find alternative modes, globally, to fashion internet policy? One must start with a simple observation: states have been considered the main political actors in international politics. Their borders gave origin to the internal/ external binomial and to the division between domestic and foreign policy. The domestic playing field would be the space where history, identity and a community of destiny could flourish, allowing individuals to engage in a public sphere as equal citizens to work to define common goals and the best way to pursue them. This space was separated from the external arena, traditionally characterized by anarchy, potential conflict and insecurity.

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The author argues that by applying problem-solving negotiation skills in the design of public policies, public administrators benefit from more effective and wide-ranging outcomes in the realization of their goals. In order to demonstrate this idea, the author analyzes how negotiation skills – such as identifying key actors and their interests, recognizing hardbargaining tactics and changing the players, knowing your best alternative, creating value and building trust – permeated and contributed to the success of the City of São Paulo’s Invoice Program (“Programa Nota Fiscal Paulistana”), a public policy aimed at combating tax evasion of service tax in the City of São Paulo.

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This thesis contains three chapters. The first chapter uses a general equilibrium framework to simulate and compare the long run effects of the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (PPACA) and of health care costs reduction policies on macroeconomic variables, government budget, and welfare of individuals. We found that all policies were able to reduce uninsured population, with the PPACA being more effective than cost reductions. The PPACA increased public deficit mainly due to the Medicaid expansion, forcing tax hikes. On the other hand, cost reductions alleviated the fiscal burden of public insurance, reducing public deficit and taxes. Regarding welfare effects, the PPACA as a whole and cost reductions are welfare improving. High welfare gains would be achieved if the U.S. medical costs followed the same trend of OECD countries. Besides, feasible cost reductions are more welfare improving than most of the PPACA components, proving to be a good alternative. The second chapter documents that life cycle general equilibrium models with heterogeneous agents have a very hard time reproducing the American wealth distribution. A common assumption made in this literature is that all young adults enter the economy with no initial assets. In this chapter, we relax this assumption – not supported by the data – and evaluate the ability of an otherwise standard life cycle model to account for the U.S. wealth inequality. The new feature of the model is that agents enter the economy with assets drawn from an initial distribution of assets. We found that heterogeneity with respect to initial wealth is key for this class of models to replicate the data. According to our results, American inequality can be explained almost entirely by the fact that some individuals are lucky enough to be born into wealth, while others are born with few or no assets. The third chapter documents that a common assumption adopted in life cycle general equilibrium models is that the population is stable at steady state, that is, its relative age distribution becomes constant over time. An open question is whether the demographic assumptions commonly adopted in these models in fact imply that the population becomes stable. In this chapter we prove the existence of a stable population in a demographic environment where both the age-specific mortality rates and the population growth rate are constant over time, the setup commonly adopted in life cycle general equilibrium models. Hence, the stability of the population do not need to be taken as assumption in these models.