Reflecting on new developmentalism and classical developmentalism

This paper, first, distinguishes new developmentalism, a new theoretical system that is being created, from really existing developmentalism – a form of organizing capitalism. Second, it distinguishes new developmentalism from its antecedents, Development Economics or classical developmentalism and Keynesian Macroeconomics. Third, it discusses the false opposition that some economists have adopted between new developmentalism and social-developmentalism, which the author understands as a form of really existing developmentalism; as theory, it is just a version of classical developmentalism with a bias toward immediate consumption. Finally, it makes a summary of new developmentalism – of its main political economy, economic theory and economic policy claims

The long term effects of Bolsa Família on child labour and school enrollment

Neste trabalho, estudamos os impactos de transfer^encias condicionais de renda sobre o trabalho e a educa c~ao infantis. Para tanto, desenvolvemos modelo din^amico de equil brio geral com agentes heterog^eneos, onde as fam lias enfrentam tradeo s com rela c~ao a aloca c~ao de tempo das crian cas em atividades de lazer, em escolaridade e em trabalhar. O modelo e calibrado usando dados da Pesquisa Nacional por Amostra em Domic lios, de modo que podemos quanti car os efeitos de uma pol tica de transfer^encia de renda. Finalmente, avaliamos o impacto de um pol tica semelhante ao atual Bolsa Fam lia. Nossos resultados sugerem que o programa, no longo prazo, e capaz de induzir um aumento substancial na escolaridade, al em de ser efetivo na redu c~ao do trabalho infantil e da pobreza. Al em disso, mostramos que um programa progressivo de transfer^encia condicional de renda resulta em benef cios ainda maiores.

Influência das principais commodities agropecuárias e de variáveis macroeconômicas sobre os preços da terra agrícola no Brasil

Este trabalho tem como proposta investigar como o preço de terras de uso rural no Brasil é afetado pelos preços e exportações das principais commodities agropecuárias, bem como por variáveis macroeconômicas, como taxa básica de juros, taxa de câmbio, taxa de inflação e disponibilidade de crédito agrícola. Para tal foram consideradas as produções agrícola de algodão, café, cana-de-açúcar (e seus principais produtos açúcar e etanol), milho e soja, a produção pecuária de carne bovina e a produção industrial de celulose de fibra curta com foco em sua principal matéria prima, os plantios reflorestados de eucalipto. Em linha com estudos anteriores, foi encontrada evidência empírica de que o preço da terra possui cointegração com algumas das variáveis agrícolas, pecuárias e florestais citadas, em especial em estados com maior vocação agropecuária e/ou para silvicultura. Quanto às variáveis macroeconômicas, apenas a taxa básica de juros apresentou cointegração com o preço de terras para todos os estados avaliados, taxa de câmbio e disponibilidade de crédito rural não aparecem como variáveis estatisticamente significantes. Conclui-se que, para estados com notável participação na balança comercial brasileira de produtos agrossilvipastoris, é possível obter um modelo de equilibro de longo prazo entre o preço da terra de uso rural e as variáveis destacadas acima, de modo que investidores do setor possam utilizá-lo como ferramenta de projeção no auxílio da tomada de decisão além de avaliar potenciais impactos no valor de seus ativos A inovação do presente estudo está em testar as hipóteses de cointegração para cada um dos estados da federação.

Why the ‘Rest’ doesn’t need foreign finance

The Rest will be able to catch up and grow faster than the West only if it goes against a “received truth”, namely that capital-rich countries should transfer their capital to capital-poor countries. This intuitive truth is the mantra that the West cites to justify its occupation of the markets of developing countries with its finance and its multinationals. Classical Developmentalism successfully criticized the unequal exchange involved in trade liberalization, but it didn’t succeed in criticizing foreign finance. This task has been recently achieved by New Developmentalism and its developmental macroeconomics, which shows that countries will invest and grow more if they don’t run current account deficits, even when these deficits are financed by foreign direct investment

A structuralist Philips curve

This paper presents a structuralist model of the Philips curve and applies it to the US and Brazilian economies. The theoretical model starts from a simple markup rule to build a Philips curve based on the assumptions that firms have a desired rate of profit and wokers have a target real wage. Inflation expectations are modeled in terms of current inflation and the governments’ target, and the model shows that relative prices can have both a short-run and long-run influence on inflation. When applied to the US, the structuralist Philips curve results in a nonlinear model in which there are two steady states for inflation, and where the wageshare of income becomes the main instrument to drive inflation to the governments’ target. When applied to Brazil, the structuralist Philips curve reveals a nonlinear relationship between long-run inflation and the real exchange rate, so that the same inflation target can be consistent with more than one value of the exchange rate. The main conclusion of the paper is that a structuralist specification of the Philips curve is a useful instrument to model many macroeconomic topics as well as alternative theoretical closures.

The revenge of the market on the rentiers why neo-liberal reports of the end of history turned out to be premature

Starting from the perspective of heterodox Keynesian-Minskyian-Kindlebergian financial economics, this paper begins by highlighting a number of mechanisms that contributed to the current financial crisis. These include excess liquidity, income polarisation, conflicts between financial and productive capital, lack of intelligent regulation, asymmetric information, principal-agent dilemmas and bounded rationalities. However, the paper then proceeds to argue that perhaps more than ever the ‘macroeconomics’ that led to this crisis only makes analytical sense if examined within the framework of the political settlements and distributional outcomes in which it had operated. Taking the perspective of critical social theories the paper concludes that, ultimately, the current financial crisis is the outcome of something much more systemic, namely an attempt to use neo-liberalism (or, in US terms, neo-conservatism) as a new technology of power to help transform capitalism into a rentiers’ delight. And in particular, into a system without much ‘compulsion’ on big business; i.e., one that imposes only minimal pressures on big agents to engage in competitive struggles in the real economy (while inflicting exactly the opposite fate on workers and small firms). A key component in the effectiveness of this new technology of power was its ability to transform the state into a major facilitator of the ever-increasing rent-seeking practices of oligopolistic capital. The architects of this experiment include some capitalist groups (in particular rentiers from the financial sector as well as capitalists from the ‘mature’ and most polluting industries of the preceding techno-economic paradigm), some political groups, as well as intellectual networks with their allies – including most economists and the ‘new’ left. Although rentiers did succeed in their attempt to get rid of practically all fetters on their greed, in the end the crisis materialised when ‘markets’ took their inevitable revenge on the rentiers by calling their (blatant) bluff.

The economics of wage-led recovery: analysis and policy recommendations

The financial crisis and Great Recession have been followed by a jobs shortage crisis that most forecasts predict will persist for years given current policies. This paper argues for a wage-led recovery and growth program which is the only way to remedy the deep causes of the crisis and escape the jobs crisis. Such a program is the polar opposite of the current policy orthodoxy, showing how much is at stake. Winning the argument for wage-led recovery will require winning the war of ideas about economics that has its roots going back to Keynes’ challenge of classical macroeconomics in the 1920s and 1930s. That will involve showing how the financial crisis and Great Recession were the ultimate result of three decades of neoliberal policy, which produced wage stagnation by severing the wage productivity growth link and made asset price inflation and debt the engine of demand growth in place of wages; showing how wage-led policy resolves the current problem of global demand shortage without pricing out labor; and developing a detailed set of policy proposals that flow from these understandings. The essence of a wage-led policy approach is to rebuild the link between wages and productivity growth, combined with expansionary macroeconomic policy that fills the current demand shortfall so as to push the economy on to a recovery path. Both sets of measures are necessary. Expansionary macro policy (i.e. fiscal stimulus and easy monetary policy) without rebuilding the wage mechanism will not produce sustainable recovery and may end in fiscal crisis. Rebuilding the wage mechanism without expansionary macro policy is likely to leave the economy stuck in the orbit of stagnation.