“O sindicato que a ditadura queria”: o Ministério do Trabalho no governo Castelo Branco (1964-1967)

Esse trabalho tenta analisar a atuação do Ministério do Trabalho através da articulação de seus ministros com outras áreas da burocracia estatal, durante o governo Castelo Branco, para, por um lado, reprimir e expurgar opiniões contrárias ao regime ditatorial e, por outro, promover uma nova política para os trabalhadores, o “novo trabalhismo”. O termo condensava a ideia da área econômica de ‘democratizar’ as oportunidades, ampliando as atribuições dos sindicatos, deslocando o seu foco das reivindicações salariais para o desenvolvimento, em associação com o governo, de projetos e programas de investimentos nos setores sociais de produtividade indireta. Para implementar a proposta, cada ministro teve que lidar com as pressões advindas do processo de alteração da política trabalhista e articular os seus interesses pessoais com as atribuições da pasta. Arnaldo Sussekind resistiu às demandas para o fim da estabilidade, alterou a Lei de Greve, permitiu o fracionamento do 13º salário e abriu espaço para a implantação da política salarial. Ao mesmo tempo promoveu uma massiva intervenção nos sindicatos, cujos processos permitem conhecer melhor o interior da burocracia estatal, perceber os argumentos utilizados para afastar as diretorias das entidades e questionar a tomada de decisões dentro do ministério sob o novo contexto social pós-golpe. Walter Peracchi Barcelos utilizou a pasta como trampolim político, propondo e executando ações repressivas que lhe garantiam vantagens políticas e negligenciando projetos da área econômica, como o Fundo de Garantia por Tempo de Serviço, que ameaçavam importantes conquistas dos trabalhadores. Por fim, Luiz Gonzaga do Nascimento e Silva reformulou o Banco Nacional da Habitação e unificou a previdência, ações que permitiram a transferência de atribuições e recursos do Estado para a iniciativa privada. A pesquisa, portanto, sustenta que o Ministério do Trabalho, após o golpe, perdeu poder político dentro do governo por permitir a transferência de suas atribuições para camadas da elite empresarial e para os militares, forçando os sindicatos a modificarem seus canais de diálogo e suas reivindicações para se adaptarem ao novo contexto.

Um sistema de metas como ferramenta de gestão pública: "O Programa de Metas da Cidade de São Paulo 2013-2016" sob a perspectiva de seus implementadores

This work, developed within the Master's Degree Program in Public Administration and Government of Eaesp-FGV, consists of an exploratory study on performance measurement in the public sector. It is focused on the identification of complexity elements embedded in the implementation of public policies, to which the goals and targets of a target-oriented system relate, and especially on the implementation of this system as a management tool itself, from the case study of the then ongoing "Programa de Metas da Cidade de São Paulo 2013-2016". All information was obtained from municipal managers, in Government Departments responsible for strategic support activities to the implementation of the system, and sectoral Government Departments whose scope also included crosscutting actions, through interviews conducted from a starting question, and then followed by the free talk of the respondents. Through discourse analysis, an assortment of information was conducted, concerning to: 1) the impacts on management, articulation, and governance of the use of performance measurement and result-oriented management; 2) the flow and publicity of information on performance, produced within the monitoring process of this given target-oriented system, and also concerning the use given to this information; 3) the recording and register of experiences and learning related to the Programa de Metas, and its potential to result as a legacy for the public administrative structure of the City of São Paulo. Assuming that the stories managers tell, in this field of Applied Social Sciences, are as valid as Science or the theoretical constructs on the subject, all information gathered from the point of view of the interviewed public officials was segmented and problematized under the light of the literature on performance measurement. The main objective of this research is to contribute to the creation of parameters for qualitative analysis of the information generated in the implementation of a target-oriented system in Public Management at the local level. It is, from then on, expected that these parameters may help managers and researchers on the monitoring and evaluation of performance of a given government, by favoring the translation of merely arithmetic data on percentage of fulfillment of specific commitments, into eloquent elements more enabled to express the evolution of a mandate. Keywords: result-oriented system, Programa de Metas, management for results, performance measurement, government planning, public policy evaluation, monitoring, implementation, transparency, information legacy.

International civil society actors in Genetically Modificied Organisms as a field of struggle: a neo-gramscian study in Brazil and the United Kingdom

Since the international financial and food crisis that started in 2008, strong emphasis has been made on the importance of Genetically Modified Organisms (GMOs) (or “transgenics”) under the claim that they could contribute to increase food productivity at a global level, as the world population is predicted to reach 9.1 billion in the year 2050 and food demand is predicted to increase by as much as 50% by 2030. GMOs are now at the forefront of the debates and struggles of different actors. Within civil society actors, it is possible to observe multiple, and sometime, conflicting roles. The role of international social movements and international NGOs in the GMO field of struggle is increasingly relevant. However, while many of these international civil society actors oppose this type of technological developments (alleging, for instance, environmental, health and even social harms), others have been reportedly cooperating with multinational corporations, retailers, and the biotechnology industry to promote GMOs. In this thesis research, I focus on analysing the role of “international civil society” in the GMO field of struggle by asking: “what are the organizing strategies of international civil society actors, such as NGOs and social movements, in GMO governance as a field of struggle?” To do so, I adopt a neo-Gramscian discourse approach based on the studies of Laclau and Mouffe. This theoretical approach affirms that in a particular hegemonic regime there are contingent alliances and forces that overpass the spheres of the state and the economy, while civil society actors can be seen as a “glue” to the way hegemony functions. Civil society is then the site where hegemony is consented, reproduced, sustained, channelled, but also where counter-hegemonic and emancipatory forces can emerge. Considering the importance of civil society actors in the construction of hegemony, I also discuss some important theories around them. The research combines, on the one hand, 36 in-depth interviews with a range of key civil society actors and scientists representing the GMO field of struggle in Brazil (19) and the UK (17), and, on the other hand, direct observations of two events: Rio+20 in Rio de Janeiro in 2012, and the first March Against Monsanto in London in 2013. A brief overview of the GMO field of struggle, from its beginning and especially focusing in the 1990s when the process of hegemonic formation became clearer, serves as the basis to map who are the main actors in this field, how resource mobilization works, how political opportunities (“historical contingencies”) are discovered and exploited, which are the main discourses (“science” and “sustainability” - articulated by “biodiversity preservation”, “food security” and “ecological agriculture”) articulated among the actors to construct a collective identity in order to attract new potential allies around “GMOs” (“nodal point”), and which are the institutions and international regulations within these processes that enable hegemony to emerge in meaningful and durable hegemonic links. This mapping indicates that that the main strategies applied by the international civil society actors are influenced by two central historical contingencies in the GMO field of struggle: 1) First Multi-stakeholder Historical Contingency; and 2) “Supposed” Hegemony Stability. These two types of historical contingency in the GMO field of struggle encompass deeper hegemonic articulations and, because of that, they induce international civil society actors to rethink the way they articulate and position themselves within the field. Therefore, depending on one of those moments, they will apply one specific strategy of discourse articulation, such as: introducing a new discourse in hegemony articulation to capture the attention of the public and of institutions; endorsing new plural demands; increasing collective visibility; facilitating material articulations; sharing a common enemy identity; or spreading new ideological elements among the actors in the field of struggle.

A implementação com articulação burocrática: políticas de transferência condicionada de renda no Brasil e México

A presente tese analisou a burocracia dos PTCs no Brasil e no México; especificamente, teve por objetivo mostrar a influência da burocracia articuladora (BA) sobre a diferença nos resultados de focalização, adotando como referência os erros de exclusão estimados para ambos os programas. A articulação analisada incorporou dimensões intergovernamentais e intersetoriais nas cadeias de implementação definidas para ambos os programas, considerando o período de 2003 a 2010, no qual ambas as BAs enfrentaram o desafio de expandir a cobertura do programa e manter a focalização. Esse estudo foi orientado pela a abordagem qualitativa, através do estudo de caso comparado, a partir do qual foi possível interpretar que os melhores resultados de focalização se relacionam com a capacidade de acessar recursos administrativos (federais e municipais) do burocrata brasileiro. Em termos teóricos, a utilização do modelo de Goggin et alii (1990) auxiliou na ponderação de variáveis intervenientes na determinação dos resultados casos individuais.