43 resultados para Total-factor productivity


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O presente trabalho utiliza a “Contabilidade do crescimento” para analisar e explicar as diferenças nas taxas de crescimento do PIB per capita dos países Brasil, Chile, China, Índia e Coréia no período compreendido entre os anos 1960 e 2000. Descrevendo os quatro fatos estilizados do crescimento econômico, a “Contabilidade do crescimento de Solow”, bem como a função de produção Cobb-Douglas, buscou-se dar o embasamento teórico para o modelo utilizado de fato no presente trabalho, que decompôs o crescimento dos diferentes países para identificar qual fator mais contribuiu ou quais fatores de produção mais contribuíram para os diferentes níveis de crescimento econômico dos países analisados. A metodologia utilizada no trabalho baseia-se em pesquisas bibliográficas, que visam primordialmente a fundamentação conceitual e teórica de alguns conceitos utilizados e em pesquisas às diferentes bases de dados históricos referentes aos países e variáveis analisadas. Pode-se afirmar que as principais fontes de consulta foram a “Penn World Table” da Universidade da Pensilvânia e o Banco Mundial. O estudo irá demonstrar, além dos diferentes níveis de cada um dos fatores (capital humano, físico e progresso tecnológico ou “TFP – Total Factor Productivity” ) nos países, como cada um desses fatores evoluiu ao longo dos anos e qual a contribuição de cada um nas taxas de crescimento do PIB per capita de cada um dos países analisados. É feito um estudo da variância do crescimento do PIB per capita, onde ficará claro que boa parte das diferenças apresentadas nas taxas de crescimento dos países vem do progresso tecnológico ou da covariância dos fatores, que são progresso tecnológico e o agrupamento do capital físico e humano. Também verificou-se a correlação existente entre a variação do PIB per capita e as variáveis que o compõe, permitindo a visualização do alto grau de correlação existente, principalmente com o progresso tecnológico ou “TFP”.

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This paper asks to what extent distortions to the adoption of new technology cause income inequality across nations. We work in the framework of embodied technological progress with an individual, C.E.S. production function. We estimate the parameters of this production function from international data and calibrate the model, using U.S. National Income statistics. Our analysis suggests that distortions account for a bigger portion of income inequality than hitherto has been assessed.

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Due to several policy distortions, including import-substitution industrialization, widespread government intervention and both domestic and international competitive barriers, there has been a general presumption that Latin America has been much less productive than the leading economies in the last decades. In this paper we show, however, that until the late seventies Latin American countries had high productivity levels relative to the United States. It is only after the late seventies that we observe a fast decrease of relative TFP in Latin America. We also show that the inclusion of human capital in the production function makes a crucial diference in the TFP calculations for Latin America.

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Due to several policy distortions, including import-substitution industrialization, widespread government intervention and both domestic and international competitive barriers, there has been a general presumption that Latin America has been much less productive than the leading economies in the last decades. In this paper we show, however, that until the late seventies Latin American countries had high productivity levels relative to the United States. It is only after the late seventies that we observe a fast decrease of relative TFP in Latin America. We also show that the inclusion of human capital in the production function makes a crucial difference in the TFP calculations for Latin America.

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O objetivo deste trabalho é entender, pela ótica da educação, a divergência da renda per capita e a convergência dos anos de escolaridade entre os países da África Subsaariana e os países europeus entre 1960 e 2010. Para tanto, o presente trabalho utiliza um ferramental de equilíbrio geral, no qual existem dois setores na economia e consumidores homogêneos que escolhem consumo, educação formal e educação infantil. De acordo com os resultados do trabalho, apesar da educação infantil para os países subsaarianos ter evoluído entre 1960 e 2010 os países subsaarianos em 2010 não alcançaram a educação infantil que os europeus tinham em 1960. Além disso, a produtividade total dos fatores e a expectativa de vida foram fatores importantes para compreender esse aumento da distância da renda per capita entre os países subsaarianos e os europeus. Por fim, o principal resultado em termos de política educacional é que políticas de incentivo à educação infantil são mais eficazes em impactar a renda per capita do que políticas de incentivo à educação formal.

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We study the cxtent to which differences in international trade policies contribute to the significant cross-country disparities in macroeconomic performance. In particular, wc concentrate on the effect of protectionism on generating differences in leveIs (of income and of measured total factor productivity), in growth rates (of output, productivity and inputs), in volatility and in trends (or development traps). We document that these rclationships are strong in cross country data, integrate a Hecksher-Ohlin mode! of international trade into the standard macroeconomic modcl to derive those rclationships analytically, and to quantify them. Our results suggest that a large fraction of the cros::; country variations can be attributed to trade policy.

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It is often suggested that competition improves productivity, however, the underlying support for this idea is surprisingly thin. This paper presents a case study examining the e ects of a change in the competitive environment on productivity at the Petrobras, Brazil's state-owned oil company. Petrobras had a legal monopoly on production, re ning, transportation and importation of oil in Brazil until it was removed in 1995. Even though Petrobras continues to have a de facto monopoly, the end of legal monopoly labor productivity growth rate more than doubled. A growth accounting of the industry shows that between 1977 and 1993 output growth rate (and productivity growth rate) is explained by the accumulation of capital, while Total Factor Productivity (TFP) decreased. Between 1994 and 2000 labor productivity growth rate is completely explained by the growth rate of TFP. The results suggest that the threat of competition alone is su cient to improve productivity. They also provide evidence that restricting competition help cause Brazil's depression of the 1980s.

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We study a two–sector version of the neoclassical growth model with coalitions of factor suppliers in the capital producing sectors. We show that if the coalitions have monopoly rights, then they block the adoption of the efficient technology. We also show that blocking leads to a decrease in the productivity of each capital producing sector and to an increase in the relative price of capital; as a result the capital stock and the production fall in each sector. We finally show that the implied fall in the level of per–capita income can be large quantitatively.

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The acronym BRICS was a fad among the media and global investors. Now, the acronym sounds passé. However, the group of countries remains important, from both political and economic reasons. They have a large aggregate size, 28% of the global GDP and 42% of the world’s population, high growth potential due to the current significant misallocation of resources and relatively low stock of human capital, structural transformation is in progress and one of them, China, is taking steps to become a global power and a challenger to the US dominance. This paper provides a brief overview of the five economies, Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa. We focus on some aspects of their history, the Chinese initiatives in international finance and geopolitical strategic moves, their growth experience and structural transformation over the last 35 years, trade and investment integration into the global economy and among themselves, the growth challenges faced by their economies and the potential gains to the Brazilian economy from a stronger integration with the other BRICS. In association with its efforts to be a global power, China aims to become a major player in global finance and to achieve the status of global currency for the renminbi, which would be the first currency of an emerging economy to attain such position. Despite the similarities, the BRICS encompass very diverse economies. In the recent decades, China and India showed stellar growth rates. On the other hand, Brazil, Russia and South Africa have expanded just in line with global output growth with the Russian economy exhibiting high volatility. China is by far the largest economy, and South Africa the smallest, the only BRICS economy with a GDP lower than US$ 1 trillion. Russia abandoned communism almost 25 years ago, but reversed many of the privatizations of 90’s. China is still ruled by communism, but has a vibrant private sector and recently has officially declared market forces to play a dominant role in its economy. Brazil, Russia and South Africa are global natural resources powerhouses and commodity exporters while China and India are large commodity importers. Brazil is relatively closed to international trade of goods and services, in marked contrast to the other four economies. Brazil, India and South Africa are dependent on external capital flows whereas China and Russia are capital exporters. India and South Africa have younger populations and a large portion living below the poverty line. Despite its extraordinary growth experience that lifted many millions from poverty, China still has 28% of its population classified as poor. Russia and China have much older populations and one of their challenges is to deal with the effects of a declining labor force in the near future. India, China and South Africa face a long way to urbanization, while Brazil and Russia are already urbanized countries. China is an industrial economy but its primary sector still absorbs a large pool of workers. India is not, but the primary sector employs also a large share of the labor force. China’s aggregate demand structure is biased towards investment that has been driving its expansion. Brazil and South Africa have an aggregate demand structure similar to the developed economies, with private consumption accounting for approximately 70%. The same similarity applies to the supply side, as in both economies the share of services nears 70%. The development problem is a productivity problem, so microeconomic reforms are badly needed to foster long-term growth of the BRICS economies since they have lost steam due a variety of factors, but fundamentally due to slower total factor productivity growth. China and India are implementing ambitious reform programs, while Brazil is dealing with macroeconomic disequilibria. Russia and South Africa remain mute about structural reforms. There are some potential benefits to Brazil to be extracted from a greater economic integration with the BRICS, particularly in natural resources intensive industries and services. Necessary conditions to the materialization of those gains are the removal of the several sources of resource misallocation and strong investment in human capital.

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Corruption is a phenomenon that plagues many countries and, mostly, walks hand in hand with inefficient institutional structures, which reduce the effectiveness of public and private investment. In countries with widespread corruption, for each monetary unit invested, a sizable share is wasted, implying less investment. Corruption can also be a burden on a nation’s wealth and economic growth, by driving away new investment and creating uncertainties regarding private and social rights. Thus, corruption can affect not only factors productivity, but also their accumulation, with detrimental consequences on a society’s social development. This article aims to analyze and measure the influence of corruption on a country’s wealth. It is implicitly admitted that the degree of institutional development has an adverse effect on the productivity of production factors, which implies in reduced per capita income. It is assumed that the level of wealth and economic growth depends on domestic savings, foster technological progress and a proper educational system. Corruption, within this framework, is not unlike an additional cost, which stifles the “effectiveness” of the investment. This article first discusses the key theories evaluating corruption’s economic consequences. Later, it analyzes the relation between institutional development, factor productivity and per capita income, based on the neoclassical approach to economic growth. Finally, it brings some empirical evidence regarding the effects of corruption on factor productivity, in a sample of 81 countries studied in 1998. The chief conclusion is that corruption negatively affects the wealth of a nation by reducing capital productivity, or its effectiveness.

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As reformas econômicas implementadas pelos países da América Latina a partir da segunda metade dos anos 1980 mudaram em definitivo o panorama da região. Os principais objetivos dessas medidas foram promover a recuperação econômica e gerar condições para o crescimento sustentado. De maneira a avaliar os efeitos das reformas sobre o desempenho econômico dos países e, principalmente, sobre a taxa de crescimento, muitos trabalhos recentes se dedicaram ao tema. Esta dissertação se enquadra nessa linha de pesquisa acerca dos efeitos das reformas sobre o crescimento das economias latino-americanas. O foco, entretanto, não fica restrito à avaliação do impacto sobre o produto per capita desses países. Os determinantes fundamentais do produto são igualmente considerados: produtividade total e parcial de fatores e acumulação de capital. De forma a empreender tal investigação, partiu-se de uma base teórica de modelos neoclássicos de crescimento. O caráter institucional das reformas permitiu complementar esse arcabouço conceitual com elementos de modelos que incluem variáveis de natureza institucional no rol dos determinantes do produto per capita. Assim, a abordagem empregada na dissertação possibilitou testar de que forma essas medidas, vistas como mudanças institucionais, afetaram as variáveis de interesse, algo que não havia sido tratado de forma satisfatória pela literatura. A análise econométrica desenvolvida com base em um painel de 17 países latino americanos no período entre 1970 e 1995, considerados subperíodos de cinco anos, revelou que as cinco áreas de reforma consideradas - abertura comercial, liberalização da conta de capital, privatização e reformas financeira e tributária - tiveram um impacto positivo sobre o produto per capita. Além disso, a investigação empírica indicou ter sido o efeito positivo sobre a produtividade do capital físico o principal canal pelo qual as reformas promoveram o crescimento dessas economias. Há evidências de que o efeito sobre a acumulação de capital também se constituiu em um canal importante.

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We study the macroeconomic effects of international trade policy by integrating a Hecksher-Ohlin trade model into an optimal-growth framework. The model predicts that a more open economy will have higher factor productivity. Furthermore, there is a "selective development trap," an additional steady state with low income, to which countries may or may not converge, depending on policy. Income at the development trap falls as trade barriers increase. Hence, cross-country differences in barriers to trade may help explain the dispersion of per-capita income observed across countries. The effects are quantified and we show that protectionism can explain a relevant fraction of TFP and long-run income differentials across countries.

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We study the macroeconomic effects of international trade policy by integrating a Hecksher-Ohlin trade model into an optimal-growth framework. The model predicts that an open economy will have higher factor productivity and faster growth. Also, under protectionist policies there may be “development traps,” or additional steady states with low income. In the last case, higher tariffs imply lower incomes, so that the large cross-country differences in barriers to trade may explain part of the huge dispersion of per capita income observed across countries. The model simulation shows that the link between trade and macroeconomic performance may be quantitatively important.

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A unified growth theory is developed that accounts for the roughly constant living standards displayed by world economies prior to 1800 as well as the growing living standards exhibited by modem industrial economies. Our theory also explains the industrial revolution, which is the transition from an era when per capita incomes are stagnant to one with sustained growth. This transition is inevitable given positive rates oftotal factor productivity growth. We use a standard growth mode1 with one good and two available techno10gies. The first, denoted the "Malthus" technology, requires 1and, labor and reproducible capital as inputs. The second, denoted the "Solow" technology, does not require land. We show that in the earIy stages of development, only the Malthus technology is used and, due to population growth, living standards are stagnant despite technological progresso Eventually, technological progress causes the Solow technology to become profitable and both technologies are employed. At this point, living standards improve since population growth has less influence on per capita income growth. In the limit, the economy behaves like a standard Solow growth model.

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This paper estimates the elasticity of substitution of an aggregate production function. The estimating equation is derived from the steady state of a neoclassical growth model. The data comes from the PWT in which different countries face different relative prices of the investment good and exhibit different investment-output ratios. Then, using this variation we estimate the elasticity of substitution. The novelty of our approach is that we use dynamic panel data techniques, which allow us to distinguish between the short and the long run elasticity and handle a host of econometric and substantive issues. In particular we accommodate the possibility that different countries have different total factor productivities and other country specific effects and that such effects are correlated with the regressors. We also accommodate the possibility that the regressors are correlated with the error terms and that shocks to regressors are manifested in future periods. Taking all this into account our estimation resuIts suggest that the Iong run eIasticity of substitution is 0.7, which is Iower than the eIasticity that had been used in previous macro-deveIopment exercises. We show that this lower eIasticity reinforces the power of the neoclassical mo deI to expIain income differences across countries as coming from differential distortions.