18 resultados para RIGIDITY


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Esse trabalho busca analisar empiricamente a persistência inflacionária de um grupo de dez países da América do Sul e verificar se a persistência ficou estável durante o período analisado e se persistência inflacionária é mais alta em países que apresentaram alta inflação no seu passado recente. Os dados são trimestrais, tendo início no primeiro trimestre de 2000, e contém 60 observações. Os resultados do trabalho foram obtidos por meio da estimação dos seguintes modelos: modelo com defasagens de inflação com e sem o hiato do PIB; curva de Phillips Novo-Keynesiana com taxa de câmbio; e a forma reduzida do modelo estrutural de Blanchard e Gali (2005), que incorpora a rigidez de salários. Os resultados mostraram que a persistência inflacionária ficou estável durante o período analisado e que seu nível ficou abaixo de 1, na média, no grupo de países que apresentaram alta inflação no passado recente e no grupo de países que não apresentaram. Além disso, os resultados mostraram que, na amostra selecionada, a persistência inflacionária é mais alta nos países que apresentaram alta inflação no seu passado recente. Também foi verificado que, com 5% de significância, não é possível afirmar que a persistência inflacionária de todos os países que apresentaram alta inflação no passado recente seja diferente das economias que não apresentaram.

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This paper investigates the expectations formation process of economic agents about infl ation rate. Using the Market Expectations System of Central Bank of Brazil, we perceive that agents do not update their forecasts every period and that even agents who update disagree in their predictions. We then focus on the two most popular types of inattention models that have been discussed in the recent literature: sticky-information and noisy-information models. Estimating a hybrid model we fi nd that, although formally fi tting the Brazilian data, it happens at the cost of a much higher degree of information rigidity than observed.

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Latin America’s economic performance since the beginning of neo-liberal reforms has been poor; this not only contrasts with its own performance pre-1980, but also with what has happened in Asia since 1980. I shall argue that the weakness of the region’s new paradigm is rooted as much in its intrinsic flaws as in the particular way it has been implemented. Latin America’s economic reforms were undertaken primarily as a result of the perceived economic weaknesses of the region — i.e., there was an attitude of ‘throwing in the towel’ vis-à-vis the previous state-led import substituting industrialisation strategy, because most politicians and economists interpreted the 1982 debt crisis as conclusive evidence that it had led the region into a cul-de-sac. As Hirschman has argued, policymaking has a strong component of ‘path-dependency’; as a result, people often stick with policies after they have achieved their aims, and those policies have become counterproductive. This leads to such frustration and disappointment with existing policies and institutions that is not uncommon to experience a ‘rebound effect’. An extreme example of this phenomenon is post-1982 Latin America, where the core of the discourse of the economic reforms that followed ended up simply emphasising the need to reverse as many aspects of the previous development (and political) strategies as possible. This helps to explain the peculiar set of priorities, the rigidity and the messianic attitude with which the reforms were implemented in Latin America, as well as their poor outcome. Something very different happened in Asia, where economic reforms were often intended (rightly or wrongly) as a more targeted and pragmatic mechanism to overcome specific economic and financial constraints. Instead of implementing reforms as a mechanism to reverse existing industrialisation strategies, in Asia they were put into practice in order to continue and strengthen ambitious processes of industrialisation.