11 resultados para toys

em Deakin Research Online - Australia


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OBJECTIVE: The purpose of this study is to establish the test–retest reliability of the Child-Initiated Pretend Play Assessment (ChIPPA) (Stagnitti, 2002a; Stagnitti, Unsworth, & Rodger, 2000).

METHOD: The first author rated 38 preschool children ages 4 and 5 years (4 with developmental delay and 34 typically developing) on the ChIPPA. The ChIPPA employs conventional play materials and unstructured play materials to assess three qualities of a child's play ability: elaborateness of play action, ability to substitute objects during play, and the child's need to imitate the modelled actions of the examiner. The ChIPPA was administered twice, at a 2-week interval, to each participant.

RESULTS: Test–retest intraclass correlation coefficients (ICCs) (Type 2,1) calculated for each of the three elaborate play measures ranged from .73 to .84. A test–retest ICC of .56 was obtained for object substitution with unstructured play materials. The test–retest ICC obtained for the combined score for unstructured and conventional play materials was .57. Percentage agreement figures ranging from 63.2% to 84.2% were obtained on test–retest of the object substitution with conventional toys and imitated actions measures. There was no significant difference between test and retest scores for these measures based on a Wilcoxon Matched Pairs Signed-Ranks Test (Wilcoxon Sign Test).

CONCLUSION: Elaborate play scores, object substitution with conventional toys score, and imitation scores on the ChIPPA showed stability over time. Object substitution scores using unstructured materials were the least stable play measures and appeared to be related to the child's play themes. Since play is the primary occupation of children, it is essential that therapists have a reliable measure of play behavior. The test–retest reliability results from the ChIPPA provide evidence that this assessment produces a stable measure of play behavior that can then guide therapists when planning intervention strategies for children.

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Many children in 'western' societies experience their circumstances through the ideas, stories, characters and values embodied in a narrow range of games, toys, videos, movies, etc. produced by a small group of companies - based mainly in the USA. These companies deploy their huge economic and cultural resources in integrated marketing strategies that can make it hard for children to avoid encountering brand name goods and services designed and marketed specifically to entice them. These marketing strategies can also make it hard for adults to deal with children's fascination with brand name goods. This article tracks the development of the complex organizational, legal and economic corporate relationships at the heart of integrated marketing strategies and explains how they can affect children's experiences of their world. It asks whether the current narrow range of entertainment products and services for children reflects the social and cultural diversity of contemporary societies and asks how to create equally attractive alternatives.

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Well-established international entertainment firms such as Disney and Fisher-Price are joining new start-up firms such as Baby Einstein to create a 'Baby' market of products (including toys, games and videos) specifically targeted at children aged 0-3 years. Despite its novelty, the 'Baby' market mirrors older markets that these firms have created around other demographic groups (e.g. older children, adolescents and adults) - it redefines its target demographic group around specific commodities and promotes its redefinition as 'common sense'. The 'Baby' firms redefine babies solely as early learners whose potential to learn can be released by these firms' brand-name 'educational' or 'developmental' products. Many adults buy these products because they accept the firms' redefinition of babies, but other adults ignore the firms' promotional messages and buy the products to give themselves some time apart from their babies. The 'Baby' market is significant for children and adults because it changes young children's relationships with adults and because it subordinates local cultural differences to a children's culture that purports to be 'global' but has, in reality, extremely narrow foundations in class, race and gender.

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Objective: To assess parents' concern regarding television food advertising to children and the marketing methods used, their awareness of existing regulations and support for strengthening restrictions, and to determine whether these factors differ across sociodemographic groups.

Methods: A randomly selected sample of 400 parents of children under 14 years in all Australian States and Territories completed the cross-sectional telephone survey in March 2007. Data were weighted by metropolitan and regional population proportions.

Results: Parents were concerned about unhealthy food advertising to children (67.3%), use of popular personalities (67.7%), toys (76.4%), and advertising volume (79.7%). Older parents, of high socioeconomic status (SES), with fewer household televisions were more likely to be concerned. Only 47.4% of parents were aware of current regulations and those with a tertiary education were more likely to be aware: odds ratio (OR) 2.96 (95% CI: 1.55-5.65). Parents supported a change from self-regulation (92.8%), a ban on unhealthy food advertising to children (86.8%) and, to a lesser extent, a ban on all food advertising (37.3%).

Conclusions and implications: There was widespread parental concern about food advertising and strong support for tighter restrictions. Given that the existing regulations rely on complaints and awareness is low, particularly among parents with lower education levels, a system of external monitoring and enforcement is essential. Clearly more effective regulations are needed to protect children and parental support for this is high.

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This study explored mothers' perceptions of influences on preschoolers' physical activity. Six semistructured focus groups with 23 mothers were conducted across a range of socioeconomic position locations. Mothers identified 4 key areas of influence: child fundamentals (eg, sex, personality), parent power (eg, rules, support), people to share with (eg, peers, adults), and places and things (eg, physical environments, toys). No substantial differences in themes were identified among socioeconomic position groups. Influences on preschoolers' physical activity are multidimensional, multifactorial, and support the use of ecological models to conceptualize and understand the influencing factors. Associations among factors influencing preschoolers' physical activity should be further investigated through quantitative research.

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Background/aim: Children with attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) have been reported to have play deficits, which can cause problems in occupational development. The aim of this paper was to report research findings on children with ADHD and typically developing children in relation to preference of play partners, play places, toys and type of play.

Methods: Thirty-two school aged children from lowsocioeconomic status were divided into two groups. One group of 16 children with ADHD were matched with 16 typically developing children.

Results and conclusion: There were no significant differences between the two groups in relation to play partners, with classmates being the most frequent play partner for both groups. There were significant differences between the two groups in preferred place to play. Children with ADHD preferred to play in school and typically developing children preferred to play on the street. There were significant differences in relation to toys and type of play engaged in with children with ADHD preferring educational materials and typically developing children preferring electronic games. These findings add to knowledge of Brazilian children with ADHD and their play preferences. Comparisons are made with research with Australian children with and without ADHD.

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 This chapter presents the role of play in fostering health and wellbeing in children, identifying that curriculum guidelines and policies today, in many countries, take cognisance of these important facets of development. The chapter discusses what experts, such as Laevers (1994, 2004), state about wellbeing and how his international scale on wellbeing has also been used in the Australian contexts (DECS, 2008). Other important elements of play which are central to children’s health and wellbeing are presented with timely examples of how play contexts give children the much needed opportunities to grow and play in a healthy and confident way. Issues relating to technological toys, war play, commercialisation of play materials and safety criteria for selecting toys and equipment, are also presented.

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Debates continue about the access young children have to technological devices, given the increasingly accessible and available technology in most developed countries. Concerns have been expressed by parents/caregivers and researchers, and questions have been raised about possible risks and benefits of these devices on young children who, in some instances, may be accessing these devices daily. Levin (2013) states that it is as if children are being remote controlled by the scripts of others (television, videos, electronic toys) which undermine children’s abilities to create their own learning scripts. This study investigated 1,058 parents’/caregivers’ views of their children’s (aged below 7 years) access and time spent on technology devices. Parents’/caregivers’ views on risks and benefits associated with the use of the emerging touch screen devices were also sought. The context for this research was Singapore which, according to a survey in 2012 by Ericsson, has one of the highest usage rates of smartphones and touchscreen devices in the world. The findings may help researchers, parents/caregivers and teachers to further their understanding of young children’s development in the twenty-first century.

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Video games have asserted themselves as a prevalent part of society; however video games are still often seen as 'boys toys'. However, popular culture is becoming accepting that video games are played by females, with 'all female' video games teams such as the 'Frag Dolls' winning many international competitions [4]. The gender issue in video games is not a new topic, with texts such as 'From Barbie to Mortal Combat' edited by Cassell and Jenkins being publishing in 1998. However, the question of 'do females actually play video games' is still apparent, and with the rapid changes in technological development in gaming (with the introduction of consoles such as the Nintendo Wii) the subject of females game playing habits is in need of constant dialogue. This paper explores the results from a survey of 33 Australian females who play video games and looks at the game playing habits and choices made when they play video games. In addition, this study will attempt to address what components of video games make females want to play. It is hoped that the results can enlighten our knowledge of why females play video games, and hopefully assert the need for video games as an important pastime for females and not just 'for the boys'.

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