90 resultados para religion-general (also see EU-Islam)

em Deakin Research Online - Australia


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This paper provides a theoretical discussion on what analytical insight is gained by viewing religion as both a pure and impure public good. It suggests that organized religion converts a public good into an excludable club good and can be viewed as providing both an access regime for this club good as well as acting as an intermediary. Interestingly, this drives a wedge between the ardent and moderate adherents of a religion. It also presents an analysis of trust in social relationships when organized religion works to provide a credible signal of trustworthiness.

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The rights of livestock that are designated as food/farm animals have been a blindspot across development discourse and policies in spite of compelling moral (and socio-ecological) factors. They are regarded as 'resources' to sustain growth, leading to food production systems that support factory farming and invasive animal husbandry practices. The paper argues that religion and sustainable development are unlikely partners in the commodification of animals in these policies. Capitalist-driven interpretations of religion support the objectification of animals. Sustainable development, an efficiency-driven growth paradigm, is concerned with the preservation of finite natural resources. Sentient factory farmed animals are seen as infinite resources.Using Christianity and Hinduism as examples, the paper argues that religion can also shape alternative animal husbandry/food production practices, and expand the social justice element of sustainable development to encompass what I term 'sociozoological justice' in economic systems that heavily involve animals.

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Teachers in many introductory statistics courses demonstrate the Central Limit Theorem by using a computer to draw a large number of random samples of size n from a population distribution and plot the resulting empirical sampling distribution of the sample mean. There are
many computer applications that can be used for this (see, for example, the Rice Virtual Lab in Statistics: http://www.ruf.rice.edu/~lane/rvls.html). The effectiveness of such demonstrations has been questioned (see delMas et al (1999))) but in the work presented in this paper we do not rely on sampling distributions to convey or teach statistical concepts; only that the sampling distribution is independent of the distribution of the population, provided the sample size is sufficiently large.

We describe a lesson that starts out with a demonstration of the CTL, but sample from a (finite) population where actual census data is provided; doing this may help students more easily relate to the concepts – they can see the original data as a column of numbers and if the samples are shown they can also see random samples being taken. We continue with this theme of sampling from census data to teach the basic ideas of inference. We end up with standard resampling/bootstrap procedures.

We also demonstrate how Excel can provide a tool for developing a learning objects to support the program; a workbook called Sampling.xls is available from www.deakin.edu.au/~rodneyc/PS > Sampling.xls.

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John Dewey has been portrayed as a sort of villain in Rosenow's (1997) article which appeared in this journal, apparently because he was unfairly opposed to God and to religion, and also because he deliberately usurped religious language to ‘camouflage’ his secular ideas. By drawing mainly upon similar sources but with some important additions, I wish to challenge the four major concerns raised in Rosenow's article and in doing so aim to offer an alternative interpretation. It is understood here that Dewey's approach to religion was not so much religious as it was ‘spiritual’ and while developing and changing throughout his writings, his ideas on spirituality nevertheless were thoroughly entwined with his other views, especially those dealing with education, science and democracy.

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For some lay observers, play is mistakenly viewed as a leisure and uncomplicated activity done by young children. Lay observers may also see early childhood play-based settings as lacking academic opportunities for young children and may regrettably view the role of teachers in early childhood play-based contexts as simply custodial managers of chaos. However, a play-based context sets a stage for meaningful exchanges of thought that can beneficially challenge children's understandings and be particularly suitable for transforming children's everyday understandings to scientific knowledge.

While there have been shifts in theoretical approaches and differing texts on how one may view young children engaging in the human venture of science, early childhood play-based environments are settings for scientific inquiry, which can engender even the youngest of children to be critical thinkers, problem solvers, and reflectors of reason.

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Research methods are closely linked to specific cultures (Kee, 2004). Recognition of cultural values in the knowledge generation process is important if researchers are to produce culturally diverse interpretations of reality that facilitate meaningful progression. Asian scholars often depend on Western theories for understanding issues and creating knowledge in their own contexts (Papoutsaki, 2006). Many scholars relate this influence of the West on the non-West to neocolonization (Nguyen et al., 2009), neo-imperialism (Balogh, 1962) and globalization (Rizvi, 2004; Campbell, 2012). Scholars also see this influence as a unidirectional cultural flow, from 'the West' to 'the Rest' (Rizvi, 2004, p. 159). Such Western influences on knowledge-generating practices often pose challenges for researchers fro1n non-Western, particularly Asian, contexts when they employ Western methodologies in their own contexts. These challenges are embedded in differences in cultural values, beliefs and norms, as well as differences in orientation to research, because each society is unique in character and has specific knowledge needs that are culturally appropriate. Societal and local knowledge is, essentially, a contributory factor if research is to be locally appropriate and globally acceptable (Ma Rhea, 2004).

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Summary: "In the wake of the September 11 and subsequent terrorist attacks, the academic and media commentaries on Islam the religion and Islam the basis for political ideology haves received an unprecedented high level of exposure and attention. The acts of political violence by extremist groups and the omnipresent war on terror have added fresh uncertainties to an already complex global order. Just as terrorism and counter-terrorism are locked in a mutually re-enforcing symbiosis, the sense of insecurity felt by Muslims and non-Muslims alike is mutually dependent and has the potential to escalate. This general assessment holds true for Muslims living in the Muslim world and beyond. The pervasive sense of being under attack physically and culturally by the United States and its allies has contributed to a growing unease among Muslims and re-enforced deep-seated mistrust of the ʻWestʼ. Public articulation of such misgivings has in turn, lent credence to Western observers who posit an inherent antipathy between the West and the Muslim world. The subsequent policies that have emerged in this context of fear and mutual distrust have contributed to the vicious cycle of insecurity. The present volume is anchored in the current debates on the uneasy and potentially mutually destructive relationship between the Muslim world and certain West countries. It brings together leading international scholars in this interdisciplinary field to deal with such inter-related questions as the nature of Islamism, the impact of the ʻwar on terrorʼ on the spread of militancy, the growing sense of being under siege by Muslim Diasporas and the many unintended ramifications of a security-minded world order. This volume deliberately focuses on these issues both at a broad theoretical level but more importantly in the form of a number of prominent case studies including Indonesia, Algeria and Turkey."--Publisher description.

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This chapter discusses the role religion and religious organizations can play in development following a natural disaster. The development efforts in Aceh, Indonesia, following the Indian Ocean tsunami in 2004 provide examples of how the nature of Acehnese society, its views on religion, the role of religious organizations in the region, and the activities of aid agencies at the time all contributed the the post-disaster experience in this society.The chapter also considers what the role of faith in such situations might mean for future development efforts, especially in the context of natural disaster.

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In the wake of the September 11 and subsequent terrorist attacks, the academic and media commentaries on Islam the religion and Islam the basis for political ideology haves received an unprecedented high level of exposure and attention. The acts of political violence by extremist groups and the omnipresent war on terror have added fresh uncertainties to an already complex global order. Just as terrorism and counter-terrorism are locked in a mutually re-enforcing symbiosis, the sense of insecurity felt by Muslims and non-Muslims alike is mutually dependent and has the potential to escalate. This general assessment holds true for Muslims living in the Muslim world and beyond. The pervasive sense of being under attack physically and culturally by the United States and its allies has contributed to a growing unease among Muslims and re-enforced deep-seated mistrust of the ‘West’. Public articulation of such misgivings has in turn, lent credence to Western observers who posit an inherent antipathy between the West and the Muslim world. The subsequent policies that have emerged in this context of fear and mutual distrust have contributed to the vicious cycle of insecurity.

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David Tittensor offers a groundbreaking new perspective on the Gülen movement, a Turkish Muslim educational activist network that emerged in the 1960s and has grown into a global empire with an estimated worth of $25 billion. Named after its leader Fethullah Gülen, the movement has established more than 1,000 secular educational institutions in over 140 countries, aiming to provide holistic education that incorporates both spirituality and the secular sciences.

Despite the movement's success, little is known about how its schools are run, or how Islam is operationalized. Drawing on thirteen months of ethnographic fieldwork in Turkey, Tittensor explores the movement's ideo-theology and how it is practiced in the schools. His interviews with both teachers and graduates from Africa, Indonesia, Central Asia, and Turkey show that the movement is a missionary organization, but of a singular kind: its goal is not simply widespread religious conversion, but a quest to recoup those Muslims who have apparently lost their way and to show non-Muslims that Muslims can embrace modernity and integrate into the wider community. Tittensor also examines the movement's operational side and shows how the schools represent an example of Mohammad Yunus's social business model: a business with a social cause at its heart.

The House of Service is an insightful exploration of one of the world's largest transnational Muslim associations, and will be invaluable for those seeking to understand how Islam will be perceived and practiced in the future.

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In the 1970s secessionists in Southern Thailand described the Thai state as "colonialist" constituted by "Siamese fascist officials"1 who had "illegally colonised Patani". The flavour of this discourse shows the importance of historical context in shaping the way resistance movements interpret their own struggles. In the case of the resistances groups in Southern Thailand, it reflects the influence of the wider international anti-colonial movement and its embrace of nationalism and socialism. Translating these concepts into a political agenda was complicated by the centrality of Islam in defining the grievances of the Patani Muslims. Islam was the reason they were considered marginal by wider Buddhist society and hence it was Islam that become a core identity marker and the fulcrum upon which the resistance movement grew. Merging the predominately secular themes of anti-colonialism with Islam was complex, and as a result for much of its existence the insurgency failed to define clearly an ideology beyond the general maxim of 'liberating the homeland' to create the Republic of Patani. By the onset of the twenty first century situation had changed and although the goal remained the same for many Thai Muslims it was based on firmer ontological ground. By defining itself in Islamist terms, the separatist movement managed to distance itself from the secular concepts that defined the Thai state ('nationalism') and which precluded support for its struggle from other states ('sovereignty'). The objective now is the creation of Al Fatoni Darussalam (Islamic Land of Patani) by "purging all Siamese infidels out of our territory to purify our religion and culture"2 (HRW, 2007: 45). In short, the shift in terminology indicates an ideological shift in the way the insurgents frame the conflict but also, more importantly, in their identification of the 'enemy'. 3 The 'liberation of the Republic' has now evolved into a 'struggle to liberate an Islamic Land'. From being a 'colonialist' and 'fascist' state, the Thai state has assumed the status of 'infidel'. The insurgents' embrace of Islamism as the organising principle of their resistance is progressively transforming the conflict into what Juergensmeyer has called a 'Cosmic War' (Juergensmeyer, 2003). This paper will further explore this ideological shift by analysing for the first time primary sources such as propaganda leaflets, interviews and insurgent interrogation reports that were collected during recent fieldwork in Southern Thailand between 2006 and 2008.

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In the 1970s secessionists in Southern Thailand described the Thai state as "colonialist" constituted by "Siamese fascist officials"1 who had "illegally colonised Patani". The flavour of this discourse shows the importance of historical context in shaping the way resistance movements interpret their own struggles. In the case of the resistances groups in Southern Thailand, it reflects the influence of the wider international anti-colonial movement and its embrace of nationalism and socialism. Translating these concepts into a political agenda was complicated by the centrality of Islam in defining the grievances of the Patani Muslims. Islam was the reason they were considered marginal by wider Buddhist society and hence it was Islam that become a core identity marker and the fulcrum upon which the resistance movement grew. Merging the predominately secular themes of anti-colonialism with Islam was complex, and as a result for much of its existence the insurgency failed to define clearly an ideology beyond the general maxim of 'liberating the homeland' to create the Republic of Patani. By the onset of the twenty first century situation had changed and although the goal remained the same for many Thai Muslims it was based on firmer ontological ground. By defining itself in Islamist terms, the separatist movement managed to distance itself from the secular concepts that defined the Thai state ('nationalism') and which precluded support for its struggle from other states ('sovereignty'). The objective now is the creation of Al Fatoni Darussalam (Islamic Land of Patani) by "purging all Siamese infidels out of our territory to purify our religion and culture"2 (HRW, 2007: 45). In short, the shift in terminology indicates an ideological shift in the way the insurgents frame the conflict but also, more importantly, in their identification of the 'enemy'. 3 The 'liberation of the Republic' has now evolved into a 'struggle to liberate an Islamic Land'. From being a 'colonialist' and 'fascist' state, the Thai state has assumed the status of 'infidel'. The insurgents' embrace of Islamism as the organising principle of their resistance is progressively transforming the conflict into what Juergensmeyer has called a 'Cosmic War' (Juergensmeyer, 2003). This paper will further explore this ideological shift by analysing for the first time primary sources such as propaganda leaflets, interviews and insurgent interrogation reports that were collected during recent fieldwork in Southern Thailand between 2006 and 2008.

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Much of the research that has been carried out into outsourcing is based on relatively successful case studies. Yet drawing inferences from case studies when those with largely negative outcomes rarely see the light of day represents a significant problem. When negative cases are systematically unrepresented, there is less opportunity to subject theory to scrutiny. This chapter goes some way towards redressing this trend, by reporting on a large scale “selective” outsourcing arrangement that has been publicly described as a failure — the Australian Federal Government’s “whole of government” IT infrastructure outsourcing initiative. This initiative, originally promoted as likely to lead to a billion dollar saving, was abandoned early in 2001, after a damning public report by the Australian Auditor General. However, a detailed study of the initiative suggests that the “failure” occurred despite the project adhering to many of the recommended guidelines for successful outsourcing that had been derived from earlier case analysis. The findings have important implications for decision makers confronted with outsourcing choices. The study suggests that the risks of outsourcing are often downplayed, or ignored in the rush to reap the expected benefits. The study also suggests that expectations of savings from outsourcing IT are often substantially higher than those that have been empirically confirmed in the field. Decision makers are advised that key assumptions about costs, savings, managerial effort, and the effects of outsourcing on operational performance might be incorrect, and to plan for their outsourcing activity accordingly. They should pay particular attention to coordination and transaction costs, as these tend to be overlooked in the business case. These costs will be magnified if “best in breed” multiple-vendor outsourcing is chosen, and if contracts are kept short. Decision-makers are also warned of the difficulties they are likely to have at the end of an outsourcing contract if there is not a large and robust pool of alternative vendors willing to bid against the incumbent.

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This paper evaluated the quality of life (QOL) of people with multiple sclerosis (MS) and people from the general population. Gender differences between the 2 groups of respondents and the influence of coping style on adjustment were also evaluated. The participants were 381 (144 males, 237 females) people with MS, and 291 (101 males, 190 females) people from the general population. The results demonstrated that people with MS experienced lower levels of QOL than people from the general population for both the objective and subjective dimensions of all domains (physical health, psychological adjustment, social relationships, environmental adjustment). All coping strategies (problem-focused, focusing on the positive, detachment, wishful thinking, seeking social support) were important predictors of QOL for both males and females with MS, with wishful thinking being the strongest predictor of poor QOL. These results are discussed in terms of the various factors that impact on QOL among people with MS, and the types of coping strategies that are most adaptive in improving the QOL of people with this illness.