23 resultados para poverty reduction

em Deakin Research Online - Australia


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This paper goes over some of the recent discussions on the effects on growth and poverty of institutions and policies, especially those that relate to the functioning of the private sector. It examines the empirical relationship between various measures of institutional quality and regulatory policies, and economic growth and poverty. The results suggest that good governance, as measured by a strong commitment to the rule of law, among other things, matters for poverty reduction largely through its effect on economic growth. In terms of business regulations, the paper finds that less restrictive regulations pertaining to starting a business are associated with higher economic growth as well as lower rates of $2-a-day poverty. Political freedom is not associated with either higher growth or lower poverty. Taken together, the evidence here seems to suggest that the delivery of good governance and policies that facilitate the creation of new enterprises are more relevant for growth and poverty reduction than the nature of the political system per se.

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This paper explores the role and percept¡ons of an¡mals in internat¡onal development efforts and the possible contradictions between differing priorities of agencies involved in internat¡onal charitable efforts. The description ofthe differing descriptions of purposes in the (England and Wales) Charities Act of 2006 prov¡des a good starting point. There are many available purposes for charities, and although having one purpose does not preclude a second, organizations concerned with animal welfare appear to be quite d¡stinct from those work¡ng for poverty alleviation in the developing world. A fun and novel gift of a donkey may equally be perceived as a cruel, environmentally unsustainable and misguided development effort, a valuable asset for a household, or a burden to a household struggling to feed existing mouths..... This paper questions the underlying tensions between human development, animal welfare, and poverty alleviation exploring cultural tensions, philosophical tens¡ons and where areas of common ground may be found.

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This paper uses the Vietnamese Households Living Standards Surveys of 2002, 2004, 2006and 2008 to examine the effects of nonfarm activity on poverty in rural Vietnam. We show that nonfarm activity helps the poor, but not the poorest, given that households need to own a minimum level of endowment to partake in nonfarm activity. We find an inverted-U shaped relationship between households’ endowment levels and the probability of participating in nonfarm activity. Also, in contrast to previous studies which largely by-passed the endogeneity of nonfarm activity, we instrument it with nonfarm networks, and find that nonfarm activity plays an important role in poverty reduction, however, this impact decreases over time.

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This collection of essays and case studies considers the importance of meeting the education MDG as part of worldwide poverty reduction.

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The thesis examines various aspects of poverty reduction in Vientam over the period 2002-2008. The thesis finds that trade liberalization, nonfarm activities and good institutions have positive impacts on rural poverty reduction.

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Experience has shown that development NGOs typically do not succeed in transforming themselves into financially sustainable providers of financial intermediation services. The reasons for this failure are complex (see Dichter 1999). Nonetheless, the role that NGOs play as microfinance providers is important and the contribution they could make to poverty reduction would be greatly enhanced if they adhered to some simple but essential parameters of success.

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This article explores the concept of the solidary village in contemporary Laos. It argues that the "village" today is not a fixed, primordial entity, but a continually emergent formation resulting from numerous processes, including but not limited to modern state processes. The notion of "village" circulates in the ambiguous "common sense" pertaining to rural Laos, in the attitudes, expectations, representations, and regulated requirements of the rural, in what I term village formation projects. Case studies of "village formation projects" in one village in southern Laos illustrate not only the importance of the village concept, but also its indeterminacy and fluidity, and the ensuing difficulty of achieving the "solidarity" and cooperative donation required by poverty reduction policies.

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This book introduces the key contemporary issues in the theory, practice and study of development, from economic growth, good governance and globalization to gender, security and the environment. It builds on the authors' extensive practical experience to offer a systematic assessment of the field and identify characteristics of successful development. Arguing that there can be no development without poverty reduction and the involvement of all key stakeholders, the authors show why it is important not only that the policies are right but that the right people are involved. Failure to do so leads on the one hand to aid fatigue, and on the other to distorted development, no development at all, or even negative development.

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Involving community in natural resource management has occurred under a wide variety of approaches, ideologies and titles over the last 30 odd years, with equally wide variety of outcomes for both the community and natural resource management!. Community Based Natural Resource Management (CBNRM) is now a commonly used and promoted, if not always well defined, approach. Claims about the benefits of CBNRM cover wildlife management and biodiversity, sustainable utilisation and management of natural resources, poverty reduction, increased livelihoods outcomes, improved food security, as well as less material benefits of livelihood diversification, empowerment, increased gender equality, and better institutional relations. There are also some fairly convincing criticisms of CBNRM reflecting on assumptions of the nature of communities, institutional arrangements and both institutional and community expectations. This paper reflects on the changing nature of community engagement in natural resource management, the emergence of CBNRM as an approach and the lessons learned from promoting CBNRM across case studies in the developing world.

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The “self-engagement research method” is a set of research procedures, which aims to search latent (hidden) attitudes within a given group of individuals, such as disadvantaged women. This method also examines the research participants practises through an intensive involvement in the process of research. Research on self-regulation has also tended to emphasize having personal control over an event as the primary determinant of whether individuals can effectively monitor and alter their behaviour to attain a desired end state (W. Britt, 1999, 699).

The “self-engagement procedure” originated from fieldwork of social research, especially from the present author’s experiences as a researcher and practitioner on women’s empowerment under the micro-finance programme in Women’s Empowerment Foundation, Auckland and in Grameen Bank Micro-finance programme (Nobel prize winner Professor Mohammed Yunus on poverty reduction through micro-finance).

This technique is based on the oft-cited phenomenon of discrepancies between what research Participants say what they often believe (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Participant_observation). This follows on Gabriel (1991:123-126) namely that participant observation is a useful technique for gaining insight into facts and is also useful for the rural poor or marginal groups, who are unable to communicate their problems. The problem is that since the 1980s, some anthropologists and the social scientists have questioned the degree to which participant observation can give truthful insight into the minds of other people (Geertz, Clifford,1984 & Rosaldo, Renato, 1986).

This paper discusses the difficulties found in using participant observation to discover discrepancies between what participants say and what they really believe. It also discusses self-engagement research procedures which the author has developed through the long-term research experiences with disadvantaged groups of women in Auckland. These procedures discover the discrepancies between what participants say and what is in their mind.

These self-engagement procedures were used from the beginning of the fieldwork to locate research areas and get access to the study settings. It was found there are gaps in this method. For example, there are no systematic processes in which researchers can gain access into the community or be welcomed by research participants. It was also difficult to discover the insight into the facts that cause disempowerment and how micro-finance impacts everyday life on research participants. McCracken (1988 cited in Mertens, 1998:321) argued that researchers collect data directly through observation, but it is not possible to imitate, repeat involvement in the experiences of research participants.

This research draws on and extends the long traditional of participant observation in social research. In field research practises, participant observation was used in different ways for gaining insight into different aspects. A good example is the use and mis-use of the “field journal” in this type of research. The journal typically explained and analysed experiences and understanding of participant observation, in-depth interviews and group discussions on the impact of micro-finance on women’s lives. However, researchers later realised that there were gaps in collected knowledge that needed to be filled. This led to “self-engagement procedures” which developed greater confidence that collected data could truly give insight into patterns of behaviour.

This paper addresses sensitive issues of women’s empowerment under the micro finance programmes and makes a contribution to the literature. The “self-engagement method” detects the “silent facts” of women’s lives. In research conducted amongst disadvantaged women in Auckland, New Zealand and Grameen Bank micro-finance programme in Bangladesh. The method of self-engagement led to better data when participants (both research and subjects) clearly perceived the purpose of the research, when participants have control over providing personal information, and when subjects can build trust with researchers. One overall lesson of this research is that research data and findings are more generalisaable and valid when the participants in the research process understand the relevancy to his/her disadvantaged position and the causes of this, and when participants perceive that it is an opportunity to voice his/her disadvantages and causes.

The “self-engagement research method” involves a variety of behavioural activities. This paper also attempts to discuss in detail, these activities. This paper attempts to discuss the process of the “self-engagement method” in a systematic way. This has been addressed in the research process, in which research participants and researchers become self-engaged to detect the reality of the impact of micro finance to empower the disadvantaged. The stages of self-engagement procedures were developed and followed throughout field research into entrepreneurial behaviour of disadvantaged women in Auckland.

Research on self-regulation has also tended to emphasize having personal control over an event as the primary determinant of whether individuals can effectively monitor and alter their behaviour to attain a desired end state (W. Britt, 1999, 699).

A suitable research method could identify the empowerment/disempowerment of a disadvantaged group of individuals. The self-engagement procedures create a process, in which research participants and researchers become ‘self-engaged’ and gain insight into facts.

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This book introduces the key contemporary issues in the theory, practice and study of development, from economic growth, good governance and globalization to gender, security and the environment. It builds on the authors' extensive practical experience to offer a systematic assessment of the field and identify characteristics of successful development. Arguing that there can be no development without poverty reduction and the involvement of all key stakeholders, the authors show why it is important not only that the policies are right but that the right people are involved. Failure to do so leads on the one hand to aid fatigue, and on the other to distorted development, no development at all, or even negative development.

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Research on development aid has largely focused on the effectiveness of these transfers in promoting growth or on their allocation among developing countries. Rarely if ever did these research areas intersect, in that studies seeking to explain observed or prescribe optimal inter-country aid allocations did not take into account effectiveness issues and vice versa. Collier and Dollar (C-D, 2002), in a move broadly consistent with the IDA’s long-standing approach to its country allocation system, changed this state of affairs with their “aid selectivity” approach to inter-country aid allocation. C-D, building on the empirical work of Burnside and Dollar (B-D, 1997, 2000), which concluded that the effectiveness of aid in promoting growth depended on the policy regimes of recipient countries, derived “poverty efficient” inter-recipient aid allocations. According to the prescriptive C-D selectivity approach, optimal aid allocation favours countries with high levels of poverty, low per capita incomes and sound policy regimes. Such allocations are considered poverty efficient by maximising the number of people pulled out of poverty. Countries with unsound policies regimes receive less aid in the C-D selectivity approach as these regimes lessen aid’s impact on growth and thus poverty reduction.

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The first section looks at the implications of conflict for aid effectiveness and selectivity. We argue that, while aid is generally effective in promoting growth and by implication reducing poverty, it is more effective in promoting growth in post-conflict countries. We then consider the implications of these findings for donor selectivity models and for assessment of donor performance in allocating development aid among recipient countries. We argue that, while further research on aid effectiveness in post-conflict scenarios is needed, existing selectivity models should be augmented with, inter alia, post-conflict variables, and donors should be evaluated on the basis, inter alia, of the share of their aid budgets allocated to countries experiencing post-conflict episodes. We also argue for aid delivered in the form of projects to countries with weak institutions in early post-conflict years. The second section focuses on policies for donors operating in conflict-affected countries. We set out five of the most important principles: (1) focus on broad-based recovery from war; (2) to achieve a broad-based recovery, get involved before the conflict ends; (3) focus on poverty, but avoid ‘wish lists’; (4) help to reduce insecurity so aid can contribute more effectively to growth and poverty reduction; and (5) in economic reform, focus on improving public expenditure management and revenue mobilisation. The third section concludes by emphasising the fact that there is no hard or fast dividing line between ‘war’ and ‘peace’ and that it may take many years for a society to become truly ‘post’-conflict’. Donors, therefore, need to prepare for the long haul.