46 resultados para organ transplantation

em Deakin Research Online - Australia


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The dark history of transplant tourism in Pakistan demonstrates the hazards of unregulated cross-border markets in human organs. Trading on existing national and international social inequities, ‘transplant tourism’ offers dubious benefits for transplant recipients and attractive profits to those facilitating the industry at the expense of the world’s poor. The impact of Pakistan’s 2007 Transplantation of Human Organs and Tissue Ordinance and the sustained efforts of transplant professionals and societal groups led by the Sindh Institute of Urology and Transplantation, show that organ trading can be effectively discouraged and equitable programs of organ procurement and transplantation pursued despite multiple challenges. In this paper, the factors that have contributed to Pakistan’s progress towards self-sufficiency in organ transplantation are identified and discussed. The case of Pakistan highlights the need for countries to protect their own organ and tissue providers who may be vulnerable in the global healthcare market. Pakistan provides an excellent example for other countries in the region and throughout the world to consider when regulating their own transplantation programs and considering the pursuit of national self-sufficiency.

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This paper reviews the policy and practice of organ donation and transplantation in Qatar that has developed since January 2011. The important features of the Doha Model (the ‘Model’) are explored, including: (i) all legal residents of Qatar have an equal right to access deceased donor organs and transplantation regardless of their citizenship status; (ii) no prioritisation in organ allocation is given to Qatari citizens; (iii) a multilingual and multicultural education and promotional program about donation has been implemented to engage the diverse national communities resident within Qatar; (iv) financial incentives or fungible rewards for living or deceased donation are prohibited. The ethical framework of this policy will be examined in the light of the national self-sufficiency paradigm, which advocates reciprocity and solidarity among resident populations seeking to meet all needs for transplantation equitably. We review some preliminary evidence of the impact of the Model with respect to engagement of a highly diverse multinational population in a donation and transplantation program, and argue that the Model may inform policy and practice in other countries, particularly those with non-citizen resident populations.

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In an era when the merger between capitalism and science becomes an accepted norm, new questions need to be asked about the ethical implications of scientific practices. One such practice is organ transplantation. However, potent debates surround the just distribution and ethical implications of organ transplantation. This paper examines the ways in which children are socialised through children’s literature to accept or challenge the dominant ideologies underpinning organ transplantation. It argues that how subjectivity is constructed informs understandings of agency, and this in turn can deliver new approaches to concerns about scientific practices.

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The international medical travel industry includes patients seeking to access human biological materials (HBM) including gametes, organs and stem cells. Of the various niche markets, ‘transplant tourism’ has earned global condemnation and efforts to eradicate cross-border trade in organs, while other markets continue to expand. This article reviews the ethical issues raised by medical travel for HBM, in particular those concerning trade in HBM. It argues that a more consistent approach to the regulation of cross-border trade is imperative to ensure that the perils of ‘transplant tourism’ are not replicated in other markets. In addition, it discusses the role of the self-sufficiency model in assisting the development of ethical and practical policies regarding the procurement and use of human biological materials at a national level, thereby minimizing demand for medical travel.

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UK statistics show that whilst waiting lists for transplantation surgery continue to increase, donor numbers are static. This paper describes the hermeneutic phase of a mixed method study and puts forward the concept of protection behaviour as one explanation for nurses’ reticence to discuss post-mortem donation wishes with patients’ relatives. The desire to protect appears to influence attitudes, confidence levels and perceived ability to become involved in donor identification and donation discussion, consequently affecting the availability of transplantable organs and tissue. By understanding more fully why protective behaviours are employed, it increases the likelihood of a solution being found.

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In the last decade, health authorities in China have made a series of policy announcements concerning organ procurement programs and changes in practice have been intermittently reported (1). The international community of transplant professionals has followed these reports closely, preoccupied with one fundamental issue: the procurement of organs from executed prisoners, a practice that for many years has provided the majority of organs transplanted in China. Sharif et al. describe this practice as “ethically indefensible” (2), an evaluation that reflects the position embraced by the international community for more than two decades (3-5). Sharif et al. express concern that whilst some transplant programs in China have ceased using organs from executed prisoners, others continue to do so, and that all organs procured from the deceased may be allocated through a collective pool as part of the new China Organ Transplant Response System, effectively “laundering” organs obtained from prisoners. They also note that one of the new strategies to encourage deceased donation of organs among the Chinese public has involved financial incentives for donor families, another practice that has been strongly critiqued by the international professional community and global health authorities (6,7).

In China and in the United States, proponents of organ procurement from executed prisoners have argued that prisoners should not be denied the option to donate organs after their death if they so choose, as this may provide them or their families solace and an opportunity for moral, spiritual or social redemption (8,9). However, the predominant argument in favour of the practice appears to be essentially pragmatic: prisoners condemned to death represent an additional pool of potential “donors” with organs that will otherwise “go to waste” (10). In contrast, international professional societies and the World Health Organization among others have argued that the practice not only violates the core principles of medical ethics but also thereby undermines efforts to establish a sufficient supply of deceased donor organs. In this commentary, we reaffirm the ethics policy of The Transplantation Society (TTS) concerning organ procurement from executed prisoners (4), and briefly discuss the implications of this policy for international professional engagement with China at this time of significant evolution of Chinese organ procurement programs.

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The supply of organs—particularly kidneys—donated by living and deceased donors falls short of the number of patients added annually to transplant waiting lists in the United States. To remedy this problem, a number of prominent physicians, ethicists, economists and others have mounted a campaign to suspend the prohibitions in the National Organ Transplant Act of 1984 (NOTA) on the buying and selling of organs. The argument that providing financial benefits would incentivize enough people to part with a kidney (or a portion of a liver) to clear the waiting lists is flawed. This commentary marshals arguments against the claim that the shortage of donor organs would best be overcome by providing financial incentives for donation. We can increase the number of organs available for transplantation by removing all financial disincentives that deter unpaid living or deceased kidney donation. These disincentives include a range of burdens, such as the costs of travel and lodging for medical evaluation and surgery, lost wages, and the expense of dependent care during the period of organ removal and recuperation. Organ donation should remain an act that is financially neutral for donors, neither imposing financial burdens nor enriching them monetarily.

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The Ethics Committee of The Transplantation Society convened a meeting on pediatric deceased donation of organs in Geneva, Switzerland, on March 21 to 22, 2014. Thirty-four participants from Africa, Asia, the Middle East, Oceania, Europe, and North and South America explored the practical and ethical issues pertaining to pediatric deceased donation and developed recommendations for policy and practice. Their expertise was inclusive of pediatric intensive care, internal medicine, and surgery, nursing, ethics, organ donation and procurement, psychology, law, and sociology. The report of the meeting advocates the routine provision of opportunities for deceased donation by pediatric patients and conveys an international call for the development of evidence-based resources needed to inform provision of best practice care in deceased donation for neonates and children.

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By 2005, human organ trafficking, commercialization, and transplant tourism had become a prominent and pervasiveinfluence on transplantation therapy. The most common source of organs was impoverished people in India,Pakistan, Egypt, and the Philippines, deceased organ donors in Colombia, and executed prisoners in China. Inresponse, in May 2008, The Transplantation Society and the International Society of Nephrology developed theDeclaration of Istanbul on Organ Trafficking and Transplant Tourism consisting of a preamble, a set of principles, anda series of proposals. Promulgation of the Declaration of Istanbul and the formation of the Declaration of IstanbulCustodian Group to promote and uphold its principles have demonstrated that concerted, strategic, collaborative,and persistent actions by professionals can deliver tangible changes. Over the past 5 years, the Declaration of IstanbulCustodian Group organized and encouraged cooperation among professional bodies and relevant international, regional,and national governmental organizations, which has produced significant progress in combating organ traffickingand transplant tourism around the world. At a fifth anniversary meeting in Qatar in April 2013, the DICGtook note of this progress and set forth in a Communique´ a number of specific activities and resolved to furtherengage groups from many sectors in working toward the Declaration’s objectives.

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Governmental and private programs that pay next of kin who give permission for the removal of their deceased relative's organs for transplantation exist in a number of countries. Such payments, which may be given to the relatives or paid directly for funeral expenses or hospital bills unrelated to being a donor, aim to increase the rate of donation. The Declaration of Istanbul Custodian Group-in alignment with the World Health Organization Guiding Principles and the Council of Europe Convention Against Trafficking in Human Organs-has adopted a new policy statement opposing such practices.Payment programs are unwise because they produce a lower rate of donations than in countries with voluntary, unpaid programs; associate deceased donation with being poor and marginal in society; undermine public trust in the determination of death; and raise doubts about fair allocation of organs. Most important, allowing families to receive money for donation from a deceased person, who is at no risk of harm, will make it impossible to sustain prohibitions on paying living donors, who are at risk.Payment programs are also unethical. Tying coverage for funeral expenses or healthcare costs to a family allowing organs to be procured is exploitative, not "charitable." Using payment to overcome reluctance to donate based on cultural or religious beliefs especially offends principles of liberty and dignity. Finally, while it is appropriate to make donation "financially neutral"-by reimbursing the added medical costs of evaluating and maintaining a patient as a potential donor-such reimbursement may never be conditioned on a family agreeing to donate.

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Background and Aim: The toxic milk (tx) mouse is a non-fatal animal model for the metabolic liver disorder, Wilson's disease. The tx mouse has a mutated gene for a copper-transporting protein, causing early copper accumulation in the liver and late accumulation in other tissues. The present study investigated the efficacy of liver cell transplantation (LCT) to correct the tx mouse phenotype.

Methods: Congenic hepatocytes were isolated and intrasplenically transplanted into 3–4-month-old tx mice, which were then placed on various copper-loaded diets to examine its influence on repopulation by transplanted cells. The control animals were age-matched untransplanted tx mice. Liver repopulation was determined by comparisons of restriction fragment length polymorphism ratios (DNA and mRNA), and copper levels were measured by atomic absorption spectroscopy.

Results: Repopulation in recipient tx mice was detected in 11 of 25 animals (44%) at 4 months after LCT. Dietary copper loading (whether given before or after LCT, or both) provided no growth advantage for donor cells, with similar repopulation incidences in all copper treatment groups. Overall, liver copper levels were significantly lower in repopulated animals (538 ± 68 µg/g, n = 11) compared to non-repopulated animals (866 ± 62 µg/g, n = 14) and untreated controls (910 ± 103 µg/g, n = 6; P < 0.05). This effect was also seen in the kidney and spleen. Brain copper levels remained unchanged.

Conclusion: Transplanted liver cells can proliferate and correct a non-fatal metabolic liver disease, with some restoration of hepatic copper homeostasis after 4 months leading to reduced copper levels in the liver and extrahepatic tissues, but not in the brain.


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Background. Opinions on the clinical course and outcome of renal transplantation in patients with primary immunoglobulin A nephropathy (IgAN) have been controversial.
Methods. We conducted a retrospective single-centre study on 542 kidney transplant recipients over the period 1984–2001. Long-term outcome and factors affecting recurrence in recipients with primary IgAN were analysed.
Results. Seventy-five patients (13.8%) had biopsy-proven IgAN as the cause of renal failure, and their mean duration of follow-up after transplantation was 100 ± 5.8 months. Fourteen (18.7%) of the 75 patients had biopsy-proven recurrent IgAN, diagnosed at 67.7 ± 11 months after transplantation. The risk of recurrence was not associated with HLA DR4 or B35. Graft failure occurred in five (35.7%) of the 14 patients: three due to IgAN and two due to chronic rejection. Three (4.9%) of the 61 patients without recurrent IgAN had graft failure, all due to chronic rejection. Graft survival was similar between living-related and cadaveric/living-unrelated patients (12-year graft survival, 88 and 72%, respectively, P = 0.616). Renal allograft survival within the first 12 years was better in patients with primary IgAN compared with those with other primary diseases (80 vs 51%, P = 0.001). Thereafter, IgAN patients showed an inferior graft survival (74 vs 97% in non-IgAN patients, P = 0.001).
Conclusions.
Our data suggested that around one-fifth of patients with primary IgAN developed recurrence by 5 years after transplantation. Recurrent IgA nephropathy in allografts runs an indolent course with favourable outcome in the first 12 years. However, the contribution of recurrent disease to graft loss becomes more significant on long-term follow up.