Integrated natural resource management in Australia: the opportunity offered by a national coastal policy

Under the Australian Constitution the management (and planning) of Crown Land is a State and Territory Government responsibility. When this is considered in conjunction with the Offshore Constitutional Settlement, which affirmed that coastal waters out to three nautical miles (in general) offshore were also the responsibility of State and Territory Governments, then clearly coastal management in Australia is largely a State/Territory responsibility.

Beyond three nautical miles it is a different story. Under the United Nations Law of the Sea Convention (UNCLOS), which Australia ratified in October 1994, Australia claims jurisdiction out to 200 nautical miles and beyond (Wescott, 2000). These waters cover an area including the Antarctic claim of over 15 million square kilometres or twice the land area of Australia.

Hence in marine and coastal terms we have the national (Commonwealth) Government managing the oceans and seven State and Territory governments largely in charge of coastal management (coastal land and coastal waters). Heading "up river", State and Territory Governments plan and manage catchments.

Given the uncoordinated relationships between Australian coastal management policy and both catchment management policy and Australia's Ocean Policy (Commonwealth of Australia, 1998a and b), the Commonwealth Government's commitment to a "National Coastal Policy" presents an opportunity to progress the integration of natural resources management for the first time in decades.

Sewage disposal and ocean pollution : contradictory world views as a theme in policy change

Explores the process of state policy making in the area of sewage disposal and pollution management. Argues that contradictory world views form the milieu of understanding through which environmental policy is shaped. The dynamic tension between two contradictory views is explained mainly through events within two regional water authorities in Victoria during the 1980s.. The analysis suggests that a process of incremental change in the shaping of environmental policy is taking place.

Issues in Australian foreign policy : July to December 2010

Two unforseen developments impeded the Labor government’s capacity to pursue its foreign policy objectives in the period under review. Firstly, Labor’s precarious standing in the parliament tilted the government’s policy agenda in favour of issues that the Greens prioritised. Gillard addressed some of these issues, for instance by holding the parliamentary debate on Afghanistan and by pursuing Japan over whaling in the Southern Ocean, but not to the degree that the Greens demanded. Immigration was emblematic of the government’s travails. The Greens advocated an increase in the refugee intake, but the Coalition favoured the resumption of offshore processing. Just when Labor’s proposed Timorese solution was becoming a realistic possibility, the High Court’s decision devalued the entire notion of offshore processing. The only consolation for the government was that the court had reduced the options available to all political parties.

Secondly, the Wikileaks saga revealed that Rudd may no longer be — and perhaps never was — Labor’s trump card in the realm of foreign policy. American assessments of the foreign minister’s character and judgment were in parts scathing. The Obama administration, nonetheless, appeared to readily and usefully absorb his analysis of Chinese politics. Quite how revelations of Rudd’s conversations with Clinton will affect his relations with the leaders of the Chinese Communist Party is another matter. It may well be that Rudd’s influence on Chinese leaders was always wildly overestimated, but in any case it seemed likely that the foreign minister would spend some time rebuilding ties with Beijing in 2011.

A third development — which hitherto had applied more in the realm of perception than reality — similarly threatened to limit the options open to future Australian governments of all stripes: the intensifying debate over alliance management that Hugh White’s essay instigated. Judgments about what sort of region — and what sort of China — Australia will face were imprinted in issues such as the rare earths find and the AUSMIN meeting. By the end of 2010, few issues could be discussed without reference to the China factor.

Ocean governance and risk management

The high seas have always engendered a range of emotions and reactions from humans. Curiosity, fear, even terror, of this great expanse of ocean which cover 70 % of Earth the blue planet. Yet the sheer size of the oceans and the difficulty of transporting across them meant the high seas were largely ignored by the vast majority of humans for centuries. Humans were largely confined to land with the only interest in the seas being as trade routes and the defence of the land. In fact all the way up to the last quarter of the twentieth century a nations territorial sea extended only three nautical miles off shore the distance that a cannon ball could be fired.

This almost casual relationship to the oceans changed dramatically in the 1960s and 1970s as technology played an ever icnreasing role in the exploitation of the natural resources of the seas. Fishing was made far easier by being able to use sophisticated sonar systems to detect the fish and by advanced nets and vessels. But it was probably the technological ability to first find and then extract oil and gas off shore on continental shelfs, and at increasing depths, which stimulated interest in exploiting marine resources. Dreams of other deep sea mineral resources (e.g. manganese nodules) simply fuelled interest in the oceans, not to mentino some of the pharmaceuticals that were being discovered.