6 resultados para gay studies

em Deakin Research Online - Australia


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What does it mean to intervene, or to perform an intervention? Presumptively conflictual, the term finds meaning in its clinical and behavioural application as an enforced practice of modification: one performs an intervention on an (often) unwilling subject. Cut one way, you could tell a history of sex/ualities education as a history of interventions of this kind: efforts to interrupt and redirect affective investments, sexual practices and undesirable identifications. The sexually active young person, the homosexual, the single mother, people of colour, people with disabilities, indigenous people, promiscuous poor people – these are some of intervention’s favourite things. These are subjects constituted in part through histories of psycho-therapeutic, medical and health educational correction, histories that are still elaborating themselves through a series of familiar contemporary concerns and campaigns.

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In 3 studies we recorded gay men's estimates of the likelihood that HIV would be transmitted in various sexual behaviours. In Study 1 (data collected 1993, n=92), the men were found to believe that transmissibility is very much greater than it actually is; that insertive unprotected anal intercourse (UAI) by an HIV-infected partner is made safer by withdrawal before ejaculation, and very much safer by withdrawal before either ejaculation or pre-ejaculation; that UAI is very much safer when an infected partner is receptive rather than insertive; that insertive oral sex by an infected partner is much less risky than even the safest variant of UAI; that HIV is less transmissible very early after infection than later on; and that risk accumulates over repeated acts of UAI less than it actually does. In Study 2 (data collected 1997/8, n=200), it was found that younger and older uninfected men generally gave similar estimates of transmissibility, but that infected men gave somewhat lower estimates than uninfected men; and that estimates were unaffected by asking the men to imagine that they themselves, rather than a hypothetical other gay man, were engaging in the behaviours. Comparison of the 1993 and 1997/8 results suggested that there had been some effect of an educational campaign warning of the dangers of withdrawal; however, there had been no effect either of a campaign warning of the dangers of receptive UAI by an infected partner, or of publicity given to the greater transmissibility of HIV shortly after infection. In Study 3 (data collected 1999, n=59), men induced into a positive mood were found to give lower estimates of transmissibility than either men induced into a neutral mood or men induced into a negative mood. It is argued that the results reveal the important contribution made to gay men's transmissibility estimates by cognitive strategies (such as the 'availability heuristic' and 'anchoring and adjustment') known to be general characteristics of human information-processing. Implications of the findings for AIDS education are discussed.

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In two studies, the effects of induced mood on the AIDS-related judgements of gay men were investigated. Participants were induced into a positive, neutral, or negative mood by recall of affect-laden autobiographical memories; they then made AIDS-related judgements. In Study 1 (n=30), the men indicated their level of agreement with statements expressing optimism about the efficacy of antiretroviral treatments for HIV/AIDS. Those induced into a positive mood indicated stronger agreement than did those induced into a neutral or negative mood. In Study 2 (n=83), participants read brief descriptions of men they did not know and estimated the likelihood that they were HIV-infected. Each sketch highlighted one characteristic of the man described. There were two versions of each sketch (e.g., the versions of the sketch highlighting intelligence described the man either as very intelligent or as very unintelligent), given to different participants. Stereotype use was inferred if significantly different estimates were given for the two versions of a sketch. Reliance on stereotypes was found most often in the positive mood condition and least often in the negative mood condition. The findings are consistent with, and suggest explanations for, earlier correlational evidence that, in gay men of the age group studied, sexual risk-taking is associated with a positive mood. Suggestions are made for how AIDS educators might address the contributions of mood states to sexual risk-taking.

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Most of the research on career development of sexual minorities focuses on lesbians. Gay men, on the other hand, have received little attention in the literature as it is assumed that they face fewer difficulties in career development because they are men. This paper redresses this gap by presenting an analysis of the impact of sexual identity on the career development of gay men, drawing on both a literature review of the literature on sexual identity, gay organizational studies and career development and the results of a recent interview study. In accord with other literature, the study demonstrates that gay men, like other sexual minorities, are confronted with a conflict between personal and career needs, and have to deal with society's expectations and intolerance towards homosexuality. Suggestions are given for research that will lead to a deeper understanding of the career decisions and attitudes of gay men.

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In studies on ‘unrealistic optimism’ (UO), when people are asked questions designed to make them compare their risk of experiencing an undesirable event with that of the average person, they tend to respond that their risk is lower. This study investigated whether comparisons of own and others’ risk also occur spontaneously, unprovoked by such questions. Gay men uninfected with HIV (n¼50) were asked to think aloud about their risk of becoming infected; their comments were audiotaped and analysed. Over half the men added comments relating to others’ risk. The phrasing of these comments and the reported basis for them are described. The men represented others’ risk as relatively high, own risk as relatively low. In the case of onethird of the men, it seemed possible to be confident that a comparison was being made. The findings suggest that comparisons of own and others’ risk do occur spontaneously and that, while the judgements made in UO studies do not capture all the characteristics of those made spontaneously, they resemble them in important ways.

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This article focuses on historical queer cultural geographies of masculinities and to do so it focuses on two cases/places. The first is an archival case/place: a partial assembly of documents of beats and their uses during and in the wake of Gay Liberation in Australia. The second is a literary case/place: Thomas Mann's Death in Venice, a canonical twentieth-century imbrication of male homosexuality and geography. This article will seek to rationalize the mobilization of these two asynchronous cases/places through the insights that both afford, when brought together, for elaborating contributions that queer readings of Nietzsche can make to contemporary queer theories of space, time and masculinities.