30 resultados para REGIONALISM

em Deakin Research Online - Australia


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Normative regionalism has been largely overlooked and ignored; and
normative questions concerning regionalization are deemed unimportant,
idealist and irrelevant to Asia. This is mainly due to the domination of
realism, pragmatism and functional approaches, thus inhibiting the substantial
progress of regionalism in East Asia. It is time that scholars and
policy-makers take normative orders of regionalism seriously.
This chapter examines the state of normative regionalism and its impact
in East Asia through an overview of the historical evolution of the
concept of regionalism, the meanings of and variations in Asian regionalism,
and the impact of all these on regional cooperation in East Asia.
It examines the old pan-Asianism, the advocacy of "re-Asianization" in
Japan, Mahathir's idea of neo-Asianism in Malaysia and the ideas of
regionalism developed in Korea and China. This examination provides the
basis for a discussion of the normative order of East Asian regionalism
by addressing a set of questions concerning national sovereignty, nationalism,
democracy and regional identities.
In particular, this chapter will examine how Asian nationalist and statist
normative thinking influences various ideas of regionalism and constrains
the development of genuine regionalism in East Asia.

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While the United States is an important Asia-Pacific actor, its engagement with the region is complex and often difficult. Not only must US regionalism balance the diverse requirements of an ambitious policy agenda, but also US policy norms and priorities often clash with those of other regional actors. This has important implications for the capacity of the United States to provide regional leadership. Recent years have seen growing policy convergence between the United States and other Asia-Pacific actors, particularly in economic terms, but US regionalism continues to feature competition alongside collaboration.

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In the past decade, ASEAN has been the primary driver of East Asian regionalism, and Korea has been an active supporter of ASEAN plus Three. Korea has explored the idea of an East Asian Community, and has been relatively open to notions of Asia–Pacific regionalism. The ROK has involved itself comparatively heavily in regional projects as both an initiator and a participant, but its notion of ‘region’ has oscillated between more and less inclusive forms of regionalism. This article examines how competing conceptions of region have influenced Korea's pursuit of regional initiatives. By revisiting historical understandings of Korea's regional identity, we explore the normative bases and material interests which motivate Korean regional initiatives, and assess the impact of its proposals.

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Australia has experienced difficulties engaging with Asia-Pacific regional integration. Despite Australian attempts to punch above its weight in regional forums and to be a regional leader, it is still not regarded as a full member or as quite fitting into the region. It is an ‘awkward partner’ in the Asian context, and has experienced the ‘liminality’ of being neither here nor there. The former Rudd government’s proposal for an ‘Asia Pacific Community’ (APC) by the year 2020 was a substantive initiative in Australia’s ongoing engagement with Asia. It has, however, attracted a high level of criticism both at home and abroad. The main critical analysis of the proposal has focused on institutional building or architecture, or its relationship with existing regional institutions, but overlooks a host of often fraught questions about culture,
norms, identities, and international power relations. The APC concept needs to be scrutinized in terms of these questions with a critical eye. This paper examines the cultural, cognitive, and normative dimensions of Rudd’s proposal. It analyses four dilemmas or awkward problems that the APC faces.

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With the rise of China the strategic competition between the US and China has gained momentum over the last 10 years and is likely to continue in the near future. To deal with this challenge, Hugh White has proposed a concert of powers in Asia. White’s proposal, however, has not received sufficient attention in Asia and is likely to be a failure if Asia does not take it seriously. This article examines the problematic assumptions of White’s proposal and argues that his proposal needs to incorporate the important role of ASEAN, an existing de facto Asian concert of powers. It shifts the idea of a concert of powers towards a new hybrid regionalism, identifies its key components and discusses how this hybrid regionalism can dilute the strategic conflict between China and the US.

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The last 400 years has witnessed Western colonialism spread across the Asian communities and landscape transforming and re-defining their identity, culture, landscape patterns and meanings, as well as their land ethic. Whilst independence has brought forth robust attempts at nationalism it has been at the deference of regionalism and cultural identity. Instead, modernism, economic regeneration and growth, and attempts to define a nationalist image out of the newly created nations that are often a patchwork quilt of pre-colonial empires, are signalling the demise of critical regionalism and Indigenous knowledge systems. This paper considers the changes and cultural transformations over the last 400 years pointing to key dilemmas in regionalist growth, deterioration and stabilisation that are causing a loss of environmental and cultural values, morals and codes. These are the cultural and planning ‘rules’ that originally structured and guided the sustainable life and spirit of community, land and culture as an integrated whole. Particular attention will be drawn to the Indigenous communities of Malaysia, Indonesia and Australia that are struggling to maintain identity and environmental ethic in the shadow of major disjointed and multi-objectival national and international economic growth and digital transformation advances. Several possible answers or mediated strategies are offered, through a cultural heritage and planning lens, that could afford a respect and creative integration of these Indigenous knowledge systems to better inform regional growth and land management strategies so that it was regionally relevant.

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 This study examines Indonesia’s responses to financial regionalism within ASEAN Plus Three cooperation. It derives largely from the discussions, debates and empirical findings on how the Indonesian financial agencies exercise their authority and mandates, formulate policy coordination with international counterparts, and internalize and execute policy options into domestic financial regimes.

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The term globalization is generally used to describe an increase in international transactions in markets for goods and services and factors of production, plus the growth and expanded scope of mar.y institutions that straddle international borders. Globalization has also led to a more liberal economic environment where issues such as labour standards, human rights, the environment, intellectual property rights, investment codes and competition policy are now considered legitimate topics in the trade debate. Free global markets cannot guarantee that air, water or energy resources are accurately priced for sustainable development since there is no mechanism to internalize environmental costs. Economic growth, although a powerful tool for increasing a country's wealth, cannot guarantee that such wealth will be equally distributed. What is needed is environmental and social policy to redistribute the benefits.
Recent empirical studies show that there are clear signs of income convergence among countries that integrate more fully with the world economy but a divergence between these active participants and those who elect to remain insulated from global markets. The inequality within nations (distribution of income) has increased during the period of globalization over the last fifty years.