Reviewing public reason: a critique of rawls' political liberalism and the idea of public reason

This article provides a critical review of Rawls' effort in Political Liberalism to construct apolitical theory of justice compatible with the fact of reasonable pluralism. Particular attention is given to the 'idea of public reason' and political liberalism's liberal neutrality. It is argued that because of its liberal neutrality, political liberalism would preclude people from endorsing at least some reasonable comprehensive views and, therefore, as a theory it lacks the necessary stability required to be as successful as Rawls claims.

Food security measurement in cultural pluralism : missing the point or conceptual misunderstanding?

Objective : Food Security has become a global concern, yet its measurement has varied considerably across disciplines and countries. We examined the current discrepancies in the definitions of food security and propose a framework for understanding and measuring food security.

Methods : This conceptual review draws from a range of works published in Medline and the gray literature to advance the understanding of food security concepts. We begin by examining the historical background of food security and then move on to examine its various definitions and interpret food through cultural lenses in terms of food access and utilization. We finish by examining various measurements and indicators of food security and reviewing implications for public health.

Results : We argue that the reliance on coping strategies as surrogate measurements of food insecurity without taking into account the social, cultural, and political contexts in which they occur is misleading, and viewing food insecurity solely from a food access or availability perspective, without taking into account food utilization and asset creation as pillars of food security, paints an incomplete picture. Although this review does not claim to provide solutions to the discrepancies in the conceptual definition of food security, it attempts to highlights areas of concern and provide a way forward.

Conclusion : When coping strategies are used as an indicator of food insecurity, they need to be culturally relevant and focus tested, and together with objective measurements of nutritional outcomes, would allow policy makers to make evidence-based decisions to inform social and nutrition policies.

Authoritarian deliberation : the deliberative turn in Chinese political development

Authoritarian rule in China is now permeated by a wide variety of deliberative practices. These practices combine authoritarian concentrations of power with deliberative influence, producing the apparent anomaly of authoritarian deliberation. Although deliberation is usually associated with democracy, they are distinct phenomena.Democracy involves the inclusion of individuals in matters that affect them through distributions of empowerments such as votes and rights. Deliberation is a mode of communication involving persuasion-based influence. Combinations of non-inclusive power and deliberative influence—authoritarian deliberation— are readily identifiable in China, probably reflecting failures of command authoritarianism under the conditions of complexity and pluralism produced by market-oriented development. The concept of authoritarian deliberation frames two possible trajectories of political development in China: the increasing use of deliberative practices stabilizes and strengthens authoritarian rule, or deliberative practices serve as a leading edge of democratization.

Islamism and political violence in the new world order

In the wake of the September 11 and subsequent terrorist attacks, the academic and media commentaries on 'Islam the religion' and 'Islam the basis for political ideology' has received an unprecedented high level of attention. This book deals with such questions as the nature of Islamism, the impact of the 'war on terror' on militancy, and more.

Theoretical issues and political dilemmas in working with men

The aim of this chapter is to highlight some of the theoretical issues and political dilemmas involved in working with men in the human services. To develop a framework for practice with men, we have to adequately conceptualise the issues £1cing men. These are confusing and unsettling times for many men. To make sense of this confusion it is important to understand men's experiences within the context of the patriarchal structures in society and their relationship to class, race and gender regimes. Men and women who work with men in the human services should have an analysis of the social construction of masculinities and they need to understand how the forces that construct dominant masculinities embed men and women in relations of dominance and subordination that limit the potential for them to be in partnership with each other. To the extent that we ignore the social construction of masculinity,
it blocks insight into the real trouble in men's lives. Furthermore, if men do not grasp the basic notion of gender as a social construction, then feminist critiques of patriarchy, dominant masculinity and abusive male behaviours are going to be felt by men at a deeply personal level (Schwalbe 1996, pp. 187, 231).

Race as political strategy by US presidential candidates: a case study

Race has played an important part in US presidential politics in contemporary history. Different political parties and candidates have followed covert strategies playing on the prejudices of white voters both cognitively and emotionally by linking racerelated issues to the majority's individual and group interests. This elite discourse carried to the public by the mainstream media, along with media's practices of stereotyping, priming, framing and agenda setting, help to justify racial prejudice, discrimination against minorities and their marginalized status, while maintaining the status quo. Taking the social constructionist position, this case study examines the opinions expressed by a sample of undecided voters selected from different geographic locations at various stages of the 1992 US presidential campaign under the themes 'Candidates' racial prejudice' and 'Race is used as political strategy by candidates.'

Leadership for socially just schooling: more substance and less style in high-risk, low-trust times?

This article argues that radical shifts in school governance arising from wider social, political, and economic relations toward what are described as high-risk and low-trust societies challenge past notions of leadership. I explore the tensions between the pluralism of postmodernist thinking and modernist notions of social justice that produce "predicaments" for school leaders through a series of paradoxes of educational management around centralized decentralization, markets and management, new educational professionalism, parental choice and community participation, and between the substance and style of leadership. The values underpinning the corporatization of public and private life most evident in education do not provide a satisfactory grounding for effective school leadership.

The political economy of maritime industry non-reform in interwar Australia: the establishment of the Maritime Services Board of New South Wales

From the First World War Australian port administration came under criticism from exporters, shipping companies and the Commonwealth government, all of whom argued that port authorities charges imposed an excessive burden on exporters. They sought the replacement of public port authorities by trusts representative of business interests. The campaign for port administration reform also diverted farmers from criticism of shipping freights and to secure their acquiescence in anti-competitive practices in the shipping industry. The formation of the Australian Overseas Transport Association in 1929 was the culmination of this campaign. Elite conservative political support for such anti-competitive practices reflected a belief that competitive capitalism was inherently unstable. The Scullin Labor of 1929-31 government abandoned Labor's earlier hostility to shipping companies to support cartelisation. Conservative state governments, in a more competitive electoral position than their federal counterparts and under greater financial pressure, deflected business calls for port administration reform. Business groups expected the NSW conservative government elected in 1932 to reform port administration towards a representative model, but the Maritime Services Board established in 1935 merely rationalised existing administrative structures. In the 1980s international economic instability legitimated the project of microeconomic reform, particularly in the maritime sector, but in the interwar period a different balance of capital, labour and the state meant that economic isolationism rather than integration was the policy outcome.