Peopling of the Northern Territory part 2: the white elephant laid to rest? In the inter-war years

Over time, the Immigration Restriction Act of 1901 and its later amendments were remarkably successful in excluding 'coloured' immigrants from Australia.  It is clear, however, that although most Australians wanted to preserve the 'white' and British character of their nation, the argument that 'non-white' and non-British immigrants were more suited to the settlement of northern Australia was frequently debated in the early decades of the twentieth century.  While this idea continued to challenge the validity of a 'white Australia' in the north, public figures were divided on the issue.  This article examines in some detail the contemporary debates over the peopling of the Northern Territory in the inter-war years.

Filching the Argentine colonists : the encouragement of Patagonians to the Northern Territory in the early twentieth century

This paper explores the background to the emigration of 220 settlers from Patagonia in South America to the Northern Territory during the course of World War I. The group, which arrived in Darwin on the Kwanto Maru in 1915, comprised an unusual mixture of nationalities. The breakdown given in the passenger list and the contemporary press was 113 Spaniards, 45 Russians, 30 Italians. 28 British, I Argentinian [of British parents], 1 Frenchman, 1 Serbian and 1 Greek. Some of the 'Spaniards' were presumably Spanish speaking Argentinians but most were indeed of Spanish descent, such as the Martinez, Perez and Villalba families. Of the British amongst the group, almost all were Welsh. They came as a result of inducements held out to the Welsh amongst the party in the years immediately prior to the war by the Commonwealth Government, which administered the Northern Territory after 1911. This account provides a fascinating case study of the recruitment of immigrants to Australia, and particularly to the Northern Territory, in the early twentieth century.

Managing heritage in the wake of war and conflict in Cyprus

In the wake of a Greece-inspired coup against the Greek Cypriot President of Cyprus in 1974, the Turkish military occupied the northern third of the island and continues to do so. Ethnic communities are still separated: Greek Cypriots moved to the south and Turkish Cypriots to the north. This paper covers issues raised by the bi-communal conservation projects resulting from the European Union’s Partnership for the Future Programme being implemented by the United Nations Development Programme. The projects require co-operation between mutually distrustful, fearful and disdainful communities for the sake of common objectives – social and economic wellbeing. Cyprus has apparently opted for conflict management rather than resolution, with both sides focused on achieving prosperity. Heritage conservation has become a tool for peaceful co-existence and mutual pride. Initially the projects involved places of shared heritage rather than places reinforcing the separate cultural identities of the communities. Loss of cultural identity is a concern of both communities. Ongoing operational issues derive from the illegality of the Turkish government in the north and the repercussions of this for international aid. The paper will contribute to the conference theme by exploring the professional challenges related to these issues and their possible resolution.

The presidential persona paradox of Barack Obama : man of peace or war president?

On a wave of hope and rousing talk of building global bridges, President Barack Obama won office in 2008, in part on a pledge to end the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq and to close the Guantanamo Bay detention facility. In contrast to his predecessor, who launched America into long, costly and ineffectual wars, Obama was seen to be more of a dove than a hawk. However, at the end of his two-term tenure America has been in a state of foreign belligerence for all eight years, making Obama the longest serving U.S. war president in history.The political persona of Obama as a dove originated with his opposition to the 2003 intervention in Iraq while he was still a senator. This was then cemented early in his presidency with his 2009 speech in Cairo, which seemed to signal a profound and optimistic realignment of America’s intentions towards the Middle East and its peoples. This speech was a watershed in defining his political persona and was instrumental in his being the only U.S. president to be awarded a Nobel Peace Prize while still in office. However, during his term the underlying political landscape of the Middle East changed significantly, with the withdrawal from then return to Iraq, the nuclear agreement with Iran, the increasingly chaotic legacy of the Arab Spring, the continued impasse of the Israel-Palestinian peace, the disintegration of Yemen and Libya and the rise of the Islamic State as the new threat in the political vacuum of northern Iraq and eastern Syria, and a resurgent Russian role in the region. All of these have provided novel challenges to Washington and a president attempting to live up to the positivity of his early days in office.At the end of his presidency Obama is faced with a public burned by the disappointments of the Iraq and Afghanistan campaigns and the new entanglements in the Middle East. This paper seeks to offer insights into the juxtaposition of Obama’s political persona and reality, as well as exploring what his political legacy might really be.