45 resultados para Master of the Berlin Passion, 15th cent.

em Deakin Research Online - Australia


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A passion for food that is understood in certain ways – slow, organic, not industrialised – plays a central role in the drama of the successful and popular Jamie’s Kitchen (2002) and Jamie’s Kitchen Australia (2006). Large parts of the drama in these shows revolve around an apparent lack of passion that is displayed by the marginalised, unemployed young people that are the central characters in this story. In this paper I examine the ways in which these accounts of food, passion, and the training of marginalised young people expose some of the challenges and opportunities faced by marginalised young people as they seek to transition into the uncertain and risky labour markets of 21st century capitalism. I argue that Michel Foucault’s (1988) concept of technologies of the self enables us to understand passion, and its particular manifestations in Jamie’s Kitchen, and in the training of marginalised young people, as a powerful technology of self transformation. The drama of Jamie’s Kitchen suggests that as a technology of the self passion for food promises to provide precarious, possibly temporary, forms of salvation, meaning and purpose for the young people engaged in the Fifteen Foundation’s social enterprise transitional labour market program.

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This paper explores, through a case study of educational restructuring in Victoria, Australia, how school leaders in a public education system in Australia mediate reform discourses emphasizing managerial and market accountability and the emotional and messy work of teaching and leading. These accountability exercises were often seen by teachers and principals to be distractions; more about reporting and recording, rather than addressing substantive educational issues. They simultaneously distanced teachers and leaders from the 'real' and 'passionate' work of education while appropriating and commodifying teachers' and leaders' emotions and desires to do well. School leaders were expected to manage the emotional performances of their students, parents and colleagues as well as themselves. They also managed the emotions arising from the dissonance between teachers' professional and personal commitment to making a difference for all students based on principles of equity and the performativity requirements based on efficiency and narrowly defined and predetermined criteria of effectiveness and success that often undermined improvement for many students. In that sense performativity ('being seen to be good') and passion (for 'doing good') often produced counterintuitive impulses.

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A case illustrates why politicians like talkback radio. By going on talkback they can appear to be available in an open and unstructured forum, reaching out over the heads of the media to constituents. But far from being open and unmediated, talkback is a highly controlled and contrived forum. Guests like John Howard have the last word, and talkback hosts, Jon Faine included, make sure that they get it. As quantity always seems to win out over quality in mainstream radio, and brevity over depth, the emphasis is on giving as many callers as possible the chance to ask a question. The result is a few rushed seconds of questioning from the caller and a couple of minutes of spin in return from the politician, with no chance for the caller to push the issue further.

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This chapter explores Dewey’s construct of aesthetic experience and the role that the aesthetic plays in knowing: knowing as a coherence of things to be known, developing one’s sense of identity in relation to that knowing, and the passions that emerge in an ‘aesthetic experience’ that lays the foundation for future knowing, identity and passions. Drawing on Dewey’s ideas, Girod, Rau and Schepige developed the construct ‘Aesthetic understanding’ to provide a theoretical lens for describing students’ experience of coming to know science content. This chapter develops the aesthetic understanding construct further into a methodological framework, called a Knowledge-Identity-Passion (KIP) Analysis, that can be applied to research exploring aesthetic experience in two ‘research moments’: the immediate effects of an aesthetic experience on knowledge, identity and passion; and the life trajectory that follows an aesthetic experience. A KIP analysis can be applied to research examining the effects and meanings attached to experiences through close analysis of knowledge, identity and passion, both individually and in relation to each other. To illustrate the power of a KIP analysis narratives of four science educators are provided. The practical applications and methodological possibilities and limitations of a KIP Analysis are then discussed.

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The mean total length (LT), mass and age of ready to migrate female silver shortfin eels Anguilla australis from the Hopkins River estuary and the mouth of the Merri River in south-eastern Australia, were 83·2 ± 1·2 cm, 1051 ± 51 g, and 17·2 ± 1·79 years, respectively. The eye index (IE) of the silver shortfin eels was < 5·2 (mean 7·64 ± 0·29) and differed significantly from that of the yellow shortfin eels collected from two other sites. The IE increased with LT (mm) and was related by log IE= 2·656 log LT6·925. The per cent moisture, protein and ash content of the liver of silver shortfin eels was significantly lower than in yellow shortfin eels, but lipid content was significantly higher in the former (35·5 ± 2·0%). The mean mass μg mg lipid ‾) of saturates (230·4 ± 2·6 v. 181·7 ±2·6), monoenes (367·4 ± 6·3 v. 290·8 ± 8·9) and PUFA (177·3 ± 5·3 v. 159·7 ± 4·6) in muscle was significantly higher, and the great majority of individual fatty acids was found also in higher quantities in silver shortfin eels. In the liver, the PUFA found in the highest quantity was 22:6n-3, except in shortfin eels from Hopkins River estuary, and the amount of 18:2n-6 in the liver of silver shortfin eels was significantly higher than that in yellow shortfin eels but the reverse was true of 20:4n-6. In both muscle and liver tissues the saturate 16:0 and the monoene 18:ln-9 collectively accounted for >50% of all the fatty acids in the lipid.

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A short questionnaire was completed by 276 South Australian consumers, which examined postulated relationships between personal values, food lifestyle, demographics and their usual consumption of 24 vegetables. Principal components analyses showed that consumers' vegetable consumption could be divided into several categories, most notably salad and boiled vegetables. In multiple regression analyses different sets of values and lifestyle factors predicted intakes of overall vegetable (Rsq=27 per cent), salad (16 per cent) and boiled (27 per cent) vegetables. Path analysis revealed a complex set of pathways leading from values and personal demographics through motives, perceived food attributes and cooking skills to consumption. These partly confirmed the food lifestyle model proposed by Grunert et al. The findings show that vegetable consumption has a number of contextual and cognitive antecedents but strongly suggest that other likely predictive variables require investigation.

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Gaining and maintaining organizational legitimacy can be a major issue
for social and political structures such as cultural organizations. Legitimacy, sometimes called credibility, brings with it access to resources needed for survival and development. Organizations without legitimacy tend not to be successful in attracting grants, subsidies, and sponsorships. Research suggests that legitimate organizations may be seen as valuable social structures (Hybels 1995; Suchman 1995) and come to be “taken for granted” as part of the social fabric. In this article, I explore organizational legitimacy using the framework of institutional theory. I first define legitimacy and then discuss the key concepts of organizational legitimacy. Next, I present a case study based on an art/craft/design school. The school, known as the Bauhaus, existed between 1919 and 1933 in three German cities—Weimar, Dessau, and Berlin. Deterministic views of the pre–World War II environment suggest that the Nazi party was responsible for the closure of the Bauhaus. I argue that other factors were apparent. The Nazi regime was becoming a significant force in the late 1920s, but the story of the Bauhaus becomes more complex when viewed under the rubric of arts management and organizational legitimacy. In this article, I discuss how the Bauhaus sought and managed legitimacy and the role that the state and other actors played in granting that legitimacy. In conclusion, I offer a summary of the relevance of legitimacy to contemporary arts organizations.