55 resultados para League of Nations

em Deakin Research Online - Australia


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The refugee dilemma in Europe in the years between the two world wars had a number of aspects: humanitarian, political, and diplomatic. It raised questions of migration, questions of international law, and questions of the fate of hundreds of thousands of individuals. Refugees were visible from the very last days of the war and remained a matter of serious international concern even beyond the outbreak of war again in September 1939. The refugee dilemma in Europe was, firstly, a humanitarian crisis because the size of the refugee population was without precedent. It was also a political problem because national governments had to contend with questions about the refugees' legal status and their legitimacy under national and international law, as well as balance humanitarian concerns with national political interests. The humanitarian and political aspects together created a crisis for the international community newly united in the League of Nations. One of its first great acts-to take these refugees into its protective care-was not even prescribed for it in its Covenant. But the refugee crisis facing Europe was so great that member states were united in the belief that the League had been established precisely to undertake a task of this kind.

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Greg Burgess's important new study explores the short life of the High Commission for Refugees (Jewish and Other) Coming from Germany, from its creation by the League of Nations in October 1933 to the resignation of High Commissioner, James G. McDonald, in December 1935.The book relates the history of the first stage of refugees from Germany through the prism of McDonald and the High Commission. It analyses the factors that shaped the Commission's formation, the undertakings the Commission embarked upon and its eventual failure owing to external complications.The League of Nations and the Refugees from Nazi Germany argues that, in spite of the Commission's failure, the refugees from Nazi Germany and the High Commission's work mark a turn in conceptions of international humanitarian responsibilities when a state defies standards of proper behaviour towards its citizens. From this point on, it was no longer considered sufficient or acceptable for states to respect the sovereign rights of another if the rights of citizens were being violated. Greg Burgess discusses this idea, amongst others, in detail as part of what is a crucial volume for all scholars and students of Nazi Germany, the Holocaust and modern Jewish history.

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An examination of the gendered approach to coverage of NRL players behaving badly. The chapter looks at how the ABC Four Corners program 'Code of Silence' brought the problem of star players' sexual predatory behaviour to a wider audience than just the NRL faithful. The chapter also looks at how the sports press can be complicit in maintaining a representation where the players can be seen as the victims of their own actions.

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Stanley Melbourne Bruce was at the centre of Imperial politics for more than two decades from the early 1920s until the end of the Second World War. This new biography presents Bruce as a consistent internationalist. Educated in Melbourne and Cambridge, Bruce, as a businessman, was alive to the importance of international commerce, and particularly Anglo-Australian trade. This lay at the core of his internationalism, which took the form in the 1920s of encouraging the political and economic integration of the British Empire. Bruce's punitive treatment of militant Australian trade unionists and his upholding of constitutionalism and law and order in the 1920s was part of an effort to defend one form of internationalism, commitment to the British Empire, against the competing international ideology of communism. While continuing to support a unified British Empire acting as a progressive force in world affairs, Bruce championed stronger international collaboration through the League of Nations and the United Nations and through cooperation between the Empire and the United States.

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We study cross-country differences in rural and urban educational attainment by using a data set comprising 56 countries. We focus on the determinants of rural–urban educational inequality, which is measured by the ratio of rural to urban average years of schooling within each country. We find that riskier human capital investment, less credit availability, a colonial heritage, a legal system of French origin and landlockedness of nations are all associated with relatively lower rural educational levels and greater rural–urban educational inequality. Conversely, larger formal labor markets, better infrastructure and a legal system of British origin are associated with relatively higher rural educational levels and lower rural–urban educational inequality. We also identify an interaction effect between economic development level and some of these factors. In particular, we find that as development level increases, the negative (positive) relationship between French (British) legal systems and rural–urban educational inequality is reversed and becomes positive (negative).


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The region known as the Southeast provides the basis for a broad political community characterized by cultural and ethnic diversity, disparities in economic performance, and differences in regime and constitutional foundations. In recent years, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) group of nations has made strides toward building a community based on respect for these differences. Despite a growing acceptance for democratic processes and human rights, the influence of these values over existing institutions and state behavior remains incomplete. The future development of the ASEAN region, and the nations that comprise it, is likely to be based on the strength and character of the relationships these states forge with one another and with more powerful external actors.

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One of the classic debates in corporate law relates to whether the rules of corporate law are ar should be 'mandatory', in that companies must comply, or 'enabling' - meaning a set of default rules which companies have the choice of adopting or 'opting out' of through alternative contractual arrangements. The so-called 'mandatory/enabling' debate has been especially prominent in the United States fro numerous reasons, yet has also received some attention in Australia. That said, the extent to which companies can 'opt out' of corporate law has rarely been considered as a practical issue in Australia - particularly whether Australian companies can 'opt out' of provisions under the Corporations Act ("the Act"). However, just recently, two high-profile events in Australia have made 'opting out' of corporate law a relevant issue, especially the question of whether companies are free to 'opt out' of provisions of the Corporations Act  which provide express governance rights to shareholders. These events were Boral's constitutional amendment in 2003 to restrict the ability of shreholders to propose amendments to the company's constitution, and the contemplation and introduction of so-called 'pre-nuptial' agreements- designed to by-pass the right of shreholders to vote on removing directors in public companies. In the light of these two recent events, in this article the authors revisit the mandatory/enabling debate. However, rather than going over old ground as to whether a mandatory or enabling approach to corporate regulation is desirable, the authors approach the issue from a fresh perspective: that Australian Securitiesand Investments Commission's ("ASIC") existing relief powers under the Act should be extended to provide a means for companies to opt out of provisions containing shareholder governance rights.

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While the results of nations in international sport competitions are most often used as an evaluation of effectiveness of elite sport policies, they do not take into account the long-term duration of an athletic career, nor the many confounding variables influencing international success. This paper argues that output evaluation is a one-sided approach to policy assessment. It applies a multidimensional approach to the measurement of the effectiveness of elite sports policy evaluation (meso-level) by examining a four-year cycle of elite sport policies in Flanders. This study endeavors to advance the development of a framework to assess effectiveness of elite sport policies of nations. Data were collected at multiple points of the input-throughput-output and feedback cycle. It was found that in spite of the increasing elite sport expenditures in Flanders (inputs), and notwithstanding the development of the throughputs (processes), this has not as yet lead to acceptable results (outputs) at an international level.

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There is strong rationale for improving care for people with chronic conditions, including osteoarthritis (OA). Successful implementation of healthcare reform requires new concepts and directions that are strongly supported by policy, new models of care (service redesign) and changes in day-to-day practice (healthcare provider and patient practice). In this paper we discuss the extent to which policy about management of OA of the hip and knee has been translated into new service models in Australia. A structured search of government and other key health websites in Australia was performed to identify policy, funding initiatives and new services models for managing OA of the hip and knee. This search was supported by a literature review. Musculoskeletal conditions were designated a National Health Priority in Australia in 2002. Under the Better Arthritis and Osteoporosis Care initiative, Australia has developed a national policy for OA care and national evidence-based clinical practice guidelines for management of OA of the hip and knee. Only two well described examples of new chronic disease management service models, the Osteoarthritis Clinical Pathway (OACP) model and the Osteoarthritis Hip and Knee Service (OAHKS) were identified. Primarily focused within acute care public hospital settings, these have been shown to be feasible and acceptable but have limited data on clinical impact and cost-effectiveness. While policy is extant, implementation has not been systematic and comprehensive. Clinicians have evidence-based recommendations for OA management but are poorly supported by service models to deliver these effectively and efficiently.

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Government policies have enormous influence on the health of nations. Arguably, this is illustrated most vividly with tobacco control. However, smoking continues to be a global problem and the major cause of preventable death. The countries with the highest per-capita smoking prevalence rates include (alphabetically) Bangladesh (20.9% of adults), Brazil (16.2% of adults), China (31.4% of adults), Germany (27.2% of adults), India (32.7% of men, 1.4% of women), Indonesia (34.5% of adults), Japan (43.3% of men and 12% of women), the Russian Federation (60.4% of men, 15.5% of women), Turkey (34.6%), and the United States(23.2%).1 Prevalence rates among younger people vary, but in the United States, 18.4% of youths still smoke.

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Measures of mood happiness are increasingly used to assess the development and progress of nations. The limitations of this approach are, however, considerable. Within developed nations population happiness is quite resistant to change, despite major improvements in the objective standard of living. The reason, we propose, is that levels of subjective wellbeing are psychologically managed for each person, to be held around their genetically determined 'set-point'. This homeostatic management system acts to keep people feeling normally positive about them self, and so resists change. Thus, the search for 'happiness determinants' in the form of objective circumstances is often unrewarding in normally functioning samples. Due to homeostatic resistance, changes in objective variables will have weak effects on mood happiness. If large changes in mood happiness are found, they can be attributed to homeostatic failure and represent pathology.