152 resultados para Labor policies

em Deakin Research Online - Australia


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This paper discusses whether and how the Australian Labor Party (ALP) can balance the arguably conflicting interests and outlooks of its blue-collar 'heartland' and the socially progressive, middle-class, professional elements of its constituency. The paper includes analysis, in socio-geographical detail and in historical perspective, of the results of the November 2001 national Australian election as well as opinion poll trends and academic survey results and interpretations before and since that time. Debate intensified after Labor’s 2001 election defeat about the supposedly irreconcilable character of different Labor Party constituencies. Much of this debate however was (and remains) characterised by derogatory and judgemental categorisations of various ill-defined social groups. On the eve of the 2004 national Australian election, based on careful consideration of a range of demographic and electoral evidence, this paper contends that, while there are, at times, conflicting interests and outlooks between different elements of the ALP's constituency (just as there is amid the support base of many social democratic parties in western nations), the party's electoral future will be best served by standing on and extending as far as possible the considerable common ground between these various elements. This common ground, it is argued, consists of egalitarian economic policies which promote security in people's lives and which thus build scope for the pursuit and acceptance of more compassionate, outward looking social policies. Its consolidation requires leadership by the Party in shaping public opinion rather than mere reaction to what is assumed to be static public opinion.

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This paper assesses the Australian Labor Party's current debates over future directions with reference to attempts by the left of centre political parties in other western nations, especially in Western Europe, to deal with the end of the economic "golden age" since the early 1970s and the widespread resurgence of neo-liberal ideologies since the late 1970s. The dominant recent view of such comparisons has been through the ideological lens of the "Third Way". This vision however tends not to see relevant variations between the experiences of social democratic parties in individual Western European nations as they have sought to deal with adverse circumstances since the early 1970s. Nor does the Third Way view sufficiently extend to the widely varying background landscapes: that is, the different levels of historical achievement by left of centre parties in the different nations. Some social democratic parties in European countries are pursuing more progressive political agendas than the British Labour Party under Tony Blair and they are starting from a very different basis of policy achievement and political strength than either the British or Australian labour parties. The nature and extent of these international differences need now to be highlighted from an Australian political perspective in order to better inform the current debate about the range of options for the ALP and the current comparative condition of the Australian party system. As part of this analysis, the relationship between the erosion of the traditional blue-collar support bases of the major left of centre parties in various nations, amid economic restructuring and challenges to traditional immigration patterns, and the rise of support for anti-immigrant policies and parties, need to be carefully examined and evaluated.

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Issue addressed: Health programs have been part of the responsibility of Victorian school education for 90 years. Yet rarely have there been studies to identify what is happening in school health promotion, or what the differences between schools might be, particularly in relation to the socioeconomic status of the school community and whether the school is in a metropolitan or regional area. Methods: In 1997 all Victorian schools (primary and secondary) in the State, Catholic and Independent systems were sent questionnaires in order to promote broader awareness about health promotion, and to identify what health programs, policies and activities the schools believed existed within their school community. A response rate of 43% was achieved, and results were collated under the six domains of the Health Promoting School model as outlined by the Western Pacific Regional Office of the World Health Organisation. Data analysed in this paper compared highest versus lowest quartiles for socioeconomic status (SES), and schools in metropolitan Melbourne versus regional areas. Results: Most differences between schools based on socioeconomic status occurred in secondary schools and were related mainly to environmental policies and practices, use of back packs, the presence of safety policies, involvement of parents in school activities and the provision of services for mental and social health needs. All differences were in favour of the highest SES quartile schools. Environmental policies and procedures, and school-based health and welfare services were present more often in metropolitan schools than in regional and rural schools. Conclusion: Although there were notable differences between schools, the audit results pointed to more similarities than differences between schools in the highest and lowest SES quartiles for health-related policies and practices; there were even fewer differences between metropolitan and non-metropolitan schools. So what: Regardless of the actual advantages and disadvantages schools experience with respect to location or socioeconomic status, it is important to understand that school staff perceive that they can and do have reasonably comprehensive health policies, procedures and practices to address health issues. Nevertheless, clear differences between schools did emerge in certain health areas and findings will assist policy making and the allocation of limited resources.

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This article will explore the issues of otherness in the IPA and also consider the local institute level using the example of the British Psychoanalytic Society. According to the IPA it is 'The world's primary psychoanalytic accrediting and regulatory body, with 10,500 members in over forty-five countries. The IPA works in partnership with its Component Organizations to train, support and network psychoanalysts, developing clinical, educational and research programmes'. It is well-known that the history of psychoanalysis is replete with organizational schisms and primary issues of 'inclusion-exclusion'. Who is a real psychoanalyst? "That are the necessary acceptable professional 'standards'? 'While standards' should be derived from knowledge, they are often derived from power and are often really a mask for power-plays. The others' have included those from both outside and within the psychoanalytic movement. Outsiders include medicine and the universities, psychotherapists, other psychoanalysts and other disciplines. Deviationists ,.vithin the IPA include other schools vvithin the'broad church' of psychoanalysis or even just those who don't fit with the proclivities of those in power sometimes rationalized into issues of standards

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Australian football and netball are the predominant sports played in rural Victoria, Australia. This exploratory study is the first to report the sport safety policies and practices adopted by junior Australian football and netball clubs in small rural communities. Eleven informants from four clubs completed a semi-structured interview and survey. Whilst the clubs performed a range of injury prevention activiities, they did not have formal sports safety policies. Generally, netball informants reported fewer safety practices than football informants. Crucial factors influencing safety policies and practices were the reliance on volunteers and a lack of senior players. Barriers towards the adoption of safety policies and practices appeared to be related to rural population declines, a lack of qualified people and attitudes to injury in rural areas. Future research needs to identify how widespread this lack of sport safety policies and practices is across rural Australia and to identify strategies to overcome barriers to implementing them.

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The official public policy related to recreational drug use and abuse in Australia is harm minimization or harm reduction. Definitions of harm minimization vary but a general statement is that harm minimization is a policy or programme intended to decrease adverse health, social and economic consequences of drug use, even though the user may continue to use psychoactive drugs. This type of definition is most often compared to a zero-tolerance policy that aims to eliminate all recreational drug abuse by legal and other means. Sociologists have historically scoffed at this latter policy. Unfortunately, what this has meant is that harm minimization in all its forms has not been the object of analytical work on the part of sociologists.

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This paper provides an examination of the determinants of derivative use by Australian corporations. We analysed the characteristics of a sample of 469 firm/year observations drawn from the largest Australian publicly listed companies in 1999 and 2000 to address two issues: the decision to use financial derivatives and the extent to which they are used. Logit analysis suggests that a firm's leverage (distress proxy), size (financial distress and setup costs) and liquidity (financial constraints proxy) are important factors associated with the decision to use derivatives. These findings support the financial distress hypothesis while the evidence on the underinvestment hypothesis is mixed. Additionally, setup costs appear to be important, as larger firms are more likely to use derivatives. Tobit results, on the other hand, show that once the decision to use derivatives has been made, a firm uses more derivatives as its leverage increases and as it pays out more dividends (hedging substitute proxy). The overall results indicate that Australian companies use derivatives with a view to enhancing the firms' value rather than to maximizing managerial wealth. In particular, corporations' derivative policies are mostly concerned with reducing the expected cost of financial distress and managing cash flows. Our inability to identify managerial influences behind the derivative decision suggests a competitive Australian managerial labor market.

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We present findings from a longitudinal, empirical study of online privacy policies. Our research found that although online privacy policies have improved in quality and effectiveness since 2000, they still fall well short of the level of privacy assurance desired by consumers. This study has identified broad areas of deficiency in existing online privacy policies, and offers a solution in the form of an holistic framework for the development, factors and content of online privacy policies for organizations. Our study adds to existing theory in this area and, more immediately, will assist businesses concerned about the effect of privacy issues on consumer Web usage.

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This paper discusses mental and psychological impacts of Australia's temporary protection visa (TPV) policy on individual asylum seekers. The paper is based on personal narratives constructed by individual asylum seekers during one-on-one interviews and aims principally to sketch the discursive manifestations of stressful events in the lives of TPV holders. The fact that refugees exhibit signs of Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) is not entirely new or surprising given the level of trauma, and in many cases torture and persecution, endured in the pre-migration phase.

What is particularly revealing among many TPV holders is the fact that their pre-migration traumatic experiences are compounded by a post-migration condition of being in indefinite "temporary" protection. This is further exacerbated by an awareness of the exclusionary discourses and policies advocated by the host government. Past trauma and persecution, combined with present family separation and social exclusion, further compounded by uncertainty about the future, results in almost chronic states of anxiety and depression among a significant number of TPV holders.

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Background: Schools use a number of measures to reduce harmful tobacco, alcohol, and drug use by students. One important component is the school's drug policy, which serves to set normative values and expectations for student behavior as well as to document procedures for dealing with drug-related incidents. There is little empirical evidence of how policy directly or indirectly influence students' drug taking. This study compares how effectively schools communicate school drug policies to parents and students, how they are implemented, and what policy variables impact students' drug use at school and their perceptions of other students' drug use at school.

Methods: Data were obtained from 3876 students attending 205 schools from 2 states in the United States and Australia, countries with contrasting national drug policy frameworks. School policy data were collected from school personnel, parents, and students.

Results: Schools' policies and enforcement procedures reflected national policy approaches. Parents and students were knowledgeable of their school's policy orientation.

Conclusions: When delivered effectively, policy messages are associated with reduced student drug use at school. Abstinence messages and harsh penalties convey a coherent message to students. Strong harm-minimization messages are also associated with reduced drug use at school, but effects are weaker than those for abstinence messages. This smaller effect may be acceptable if, in the longer term, it leads to a reduction in harmful use and school dropout within the student population.