53 resultados para Informal settlements

em Deakin Research Online - Australia


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The formation of informal settlements in and around urban complexes has largely been ignored in the context of procedural city modeling. However, many cities in South Africa and globally can attest to the presence of such settlements. This paper analyses the phenomenon of informal settlements from a procedural modeling perspective. Aerial photography from two South African urban complexes, namely Johannesburg and Cape Town is used as a basis for the extraction of various features that distinguish different types of settlements. In particular, the road patterns which have formed within such settlements are analysed, and various procedural techniques proposed (including Voronoi diagrams, subdivision and L-systems) to replicate the identified features. A qualitative assessment of the procedural techniques is provided, and the most suitable combination of techniques identified for unstructured and structured settlements. In particular it is found that a combination of Voronoi diagrams and subdivision provides the closest match to unstructured informal settlements. A combination of L-systems, Voronoi diagrams and subdivision is found to produce the closest pattern to a structured informal settlement.

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Placemaking in the developed world can be understood as a concept where through a social and political process, value and meaning in a particular setting is created. This focus of placemaking revolves around a setting in the urban environment, its role as a unique setting and, importantly, the people that make up this place: all of which is focused on a highly structured and formal participatory planning process.The role of placemaking in Latin America’s informal settlements, however, is largelyuntested. With more than 75% of Latin America’s population living in cities since 2001and over 30% (128 million people) of the urban population estimated to reside in what the United Nations define as slums; these informal settlements can offer alternative ways of thinking about urban space and the transformation of spaces people live in. In essence, informal settlements are, to a large extent, what people make of them through their own initiative and imagination. What they achieve is remarkable considering their limited resources and sometimes nonexistent participation in formal planning.Through empirical data collected in 2013 and 2014, this paper discusses how in theabsence of a formal participatory planning process (as the west or developed worldmay perceive it) and lack of resources the barrio of Caracoli, in Bogotá has been ableto create value and meaning in their place. This has been possible, despite social and economic difficulties –which are not to be forgotten-, through inventiveness and the richness of community members’ lives. In this sense, it can be argued that informal settlements can offer a different path to understanding the concept of placemaking currently dominating the developed world.

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Managers and researchers alike have sought new ways to address the challenges of sharing dispersed knowledge in modern business environments. Careful consideration by sharers of receivers’ knowledge needs and behaviours may improve the effectiveness of knowledge sharing. This research examines how sharers react to their perceptions of receivers’ knowledge needs and behaviours when making choices relating to sharing knowledge. The focus of this article is to propose and empirically explore a theoretical framework for a study of the role of the receiver in knowledge sharing — receiver-based theory. Data collected from two case studies highlight a key role played by perceived receiver knowledge needs and behaviours in shaping sharer choices when explicit knowledge is shared. A set of receiver influences on knowledge sharing is provided that highlights key receiver and sharer issues. The paper concludes that companies should develop better ways to connect potential sharers with receivers’ real knowledge needs. Further, the findings suggest that sharing on a need-to-know basis hinders change in organisational power structures, and prevents the integration of isolated pockets of knowledge that may yield new value.

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Virtual communities of practice (VCoPs) are online business networks which are increasingly used by large organisations as a key strategy for creating value in the knowledge-based economy of the 21st Century.This paper examines the applicability of VCoPs to cross-industry regionally clustered small business networks. Interviews conducted with government and industry informants in two regional areas of Australia indicate that these strategies used for establishing VCoPs are applicable to such small business networks. Both regions had regional networks with active member involvement displaying CoP characteristics. Significant social capital existed on which VCoPs could be built, and there were viable alternatives to satisfy the roles of sponsors and leaders. There were, however, significant impediments that will have to be addressed before VCoPs can be  implemented such as the apparent reluctance of many SME owners to use the Internet and ICT generally, and the preference for informal networking. Funding to ensure that VCoPs are sustainable was also an issue. VCoPs appear to be extremely useful in linking small businesses in regional areas and in the development of viable regional clusters.

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Background and Purpose-: Informal caregivers play an important role in the lives of stroke patients, but the cost of providing this care has not been estimated. The purpose of this study was to determine the nature and amount of informal care provided to stroke patients and to estimate the economic cost of that care.

Methods-:
The primary caregivers of stroke patients registered in the North East Melbourne Stroke Incidence Study (NEMESIS) were interviewed at 3, 6, and 12 months after stroke, and the nature and amount of informal care provided were documented. The opportunity and replacement costs of informal care for all first-ever-in-a-lifetime strokes (excluding subarachnoid hemorrhages) that occurred in 1997 in Australia were estimated.

Results-:
Among 3-month stroke survivors, 74% required assistance with activities of daily living and received informal care from family or friends. Two thirds of primary caregivers were women, and most primary caregivers (>90%) provided care during family or leisure time. Total first-year caregiver time costs for all first-ever-in-a-lifetime strokes were estimated to be A$21.7 million (opportunity cost approach) or A$42.5 million (replacement cost approach), and the present values of lifetime caregiver time costs were estimated to be A$171.4 million (opportunity cost approach) or A$331.8 million (replacement cost approach).

Conclusions-: Informal care for stroke survivors represents a significant hidden cost to Australian society. Because our community is rapidly aging, this informal care burden may increase significantly in the future.

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Despite the interest of sociologists and educational researchers in Internet café as sites for new cultural and social formations and informal learning, thus far little attention has been paid to the function of café owners, managers and other staff in the mediation and co-construction of those spaces. Drawing from interviews with managers of commercial Internet café in Australia specialising in LAN (Local Area Network) gaming, this article seeks to examine their role and their attitudes more closely; in particular with regard to school-aged users of their facilities. We contend that LAN café are liminal spaces situated at the margins of Australian culture and located at the junctions between home, school and the street, online and offline spaces, work and play. The roles of LAN café managers are similarly ambiguous: in many ways they can be regarded as informal teachers facilitating the process of informal learning.

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As part of the Global Entrepreneurship Monitor project, we asked 2,000 adult New Zealanders if they have made a personal investment in a new firm in the past three years as well as the magnitude of their supPort, the nature of the businesses they sponsored, and their relationship with
the recipient. We compared these data on informal investment to data on venture capital obtained from national sources. We are thus able to compare New Zealand's performance to cross-national measures. We also surveyed 20 key informants/experts on questions on financing.
In New Zealand, venture capital accounts for only 0.80/o of total investment in new and growing start-ups. Yet New Zealand is world-ranked in terms of informal investment. In New Zealand, informal investment activity is 3.5olo of the national GDP amount. New Zealand is also a world leader in the prevalence of informal investors (percentage in the adult population). Seventy-three percent of informal investors put their money into a relative's or a friend's business. Fifty-eight Percent of New Zealand's informal investors are female, quite the reverse of the world pattern.

When we compare Australia and New Zealandlo the rest of the GEM world, Australia ranks favourably with the GEM globat measures in terms of venture capital as a percentage of GDp, while New Zealand does poorly. Australia also does about 40olo better than New Zealand in terms
of the amount of VC invested in individual companies. But New Zealand is clearly higher in the measures of informal investment.

We conclude with implications for entrepreneurs, policy makers, educators, researchers, and journalists. In a nutshell, they should pay more attention to the critical role of the four F's - family friends, founders, and "foolish" investors - in start-up ventures. Informal investment is a critical component of New Zealand's entrepreneurial process and thus to its economic growth. Perhaps fifty superstars with extraordinary opportunities will receive financing from the New Zealand Venture Investment Fund to launch their businesses. Meanwhile, the vast majority of firms rely on the 4Fs - friends, family founders, and "foolish" lnvestors.

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The thesis examines the forces at work that resulted in the proliferation in the 1950s-60s, and then the subsequent decline, in the number of urban squatter settelements in Santiago, Chile. A feature of the work is the fieldwork investigation on the material conditions within the squatter settlements households.

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This paper commences with an overview of the Vietnamese financial sector and a survey of the main reforms to this sector implemented since the late 1980s. A descriptive analysis is then provided, which compares some key characteristics of pre- and post-financial reform borrowing and savings activities using the Vietnam Living Standard Surveys of 1992/93 and 1997/98.