218 resultados para Indigenous lands

em Deakin Research Online - Australia


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In Canada and elsewhere around the world, Indigenous Peoples are struggling to rebuild their "nations" and improve the socioeconomic circumstances of their people. Many see economic development as the key to success. This is certainly true for Indigenous people in Canada (the First Nations, Metis, and Inuit, collectively called Aboriginal or Indigenous people). Among them, participation in the global economy through entrepreneurship and business development is widely accepted as the key to economy building and nation "re-building." As elaborated in the next section, the demand is that this participation must be on their own terms for their own purposes, and traditional lands, history, culture, and values play a critical role. There is an intriguing symmetry between the modernity of the desire for global business competence and competitiveness and the insistence upon the distinctive importance of cultural heritage in developing new enterprise. The way that the two superficially contrasting concepts of innovation and heritage are combined in the field of Indigenous entrepreneurship has been expounded by Hindle and Lansdowne.1

Recognizing the challenges they face in attempting to compete in the global economy on their own terms, Indigenous people are increasingly developing enterprises in the form of partnerships of all types among themselves and with non-Indigenous enterprises. As both a form and a context of business organization, the partnership or alliance model is particularly fraught with the need to blend the old with the new, heritage with innovation. This study is a preliminary investigation of the Kitsaki initiative of the Lac La Ronge Indian band. In it we:

* explore several ventures involved in the partnership, asking key operatives for their opinions about the factors that explain success and failure;

* distill the explanations into as few, all-embracing factors as possible;

* relate the findings to the emerging theory of Indigenous entrepreneurship, with particular reference to the suggested paradigm of Indigenous entrepreneurship developed by Hindle and Lansdowne (2002);

* project the results of the investigation into suggestions for a more structured program of future research.

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Around the world Indigenous Peoples are struggling to rebuild their 'nations' and improve the socioeconomic circumstances of their people. As a group they constitute an emerging market of more than 500 hundred million people. Participation in the global economy through entrepreneurship is widely accepted as the key to success by most Indigenous people. Importantly, most want this participation to be 'on their own terms' terms in which traditional lands, history, culture and values play an important role. Using regulation theory, we explore the feasibility of the emerging Indigenous approach to development and conclude that is theoretically sound. Then we present a case study on the Osoyoos First Nation that illustrates how the community has use entrepreneurship to participate in the broader economy 'on its own terms'.

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The Adelaide Park Lands and the ‘City of Adelaide Plan’ (1837), as prepared by Colonel William Light, have long been held up as an international precedent in town planning literature. The celebrated model, embraced by Ebenezer Howard to describe his Garden City theory, has several layers of cultural landscape heritage. The ‘Plan’, in recent years, has been subject to a rigorous investigation of its Indigenous and colonization evolutionary layers to inform moves to list the landscape as possessing national heritage status under relevant Australian heritage regimes, and more recently under the National Heritage List regime, as a pre-emptive strategy towards an eventual World Heritage nomination of the cultural landscape and ‘Plan’.

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Culture and spirit of land is integral to Indigenous community meaning and identity. With colonisation, transmigration and assimilation policies and practices over the last 200 years, many Indigenous communities, like the Minahasa, have witnessed their culture, curatorial responsibilities, and their mythological associations to their lands eroded. Minahasa, meaning 'becoming one united', encompasses some eight ethnic communities who reside in the Minahasa regencies in the North Sulawesi Province on Sulawesi Island in Indonesia. The region was first colonised by the Portuguese in the 16th century, and then by the Dutch VOC (Verenigde Oostindische Compagnie) in the 17th and 18th centuries bringing a strong Christian Protestant faith to the communities that appropriated many of the cultural symbols and mythological narratives of the Minahasa, and now compromises the largest concentration of Christian faith in the Indonesian archipelago being one of the reasons why there was considerable political requests for the region to formally become a province of The Netherlands in the lead up to Indonesian independence in 1945.

North Sulawesi never developed any large empire like on other islands in the archipelago. In 670, the leaders of the different tribes, who all spoke different languages, met by a stone known as Watu Pinawetengan. There they founded a community of independent states, who would form one unit and stay together and would fight any outside enemies if they were attacked, and the Dutch used this cultural ethos to help unite the linguistically diverse Minahasa confederacy under their colonial regime. Integral to the Minahasa is the Watu Pinawetengan and the series of narratives that enjoin the Minahasan communities to this place and around Lake Tondano. With Indonesian governance considerable angst has been launched by the Minahasa about loss of local autonomy, generic Indonesian policies, and a lack of respect of Indigenous culture and non-mainstream religions within this predominantly Moslem nation. This paper reviews the state of knowledge as to the cultural associations and genius loci meanings of the Minahasa, to their landscape and place, cast against contemporary Indonesian 10 year plans and policies that seek to generically manage the collective Indonesian archipelago as one community and landscape. It is a critique about the Minahasan Indigenous land use and planning philosophies, against top-down generic land use and environmental policies and plans written in Jakarta for generic application across the Indonesian archipelago.

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Members of the Kunibidji community are the traditional owners of the lands and seas around Maningrida, a remote community in Northern Australia. Most of the 200 members of the Kunibidji Community speak Ndjebbana as their first language. This study reports on the complexities of transforming technology to provide Kunibídji children with access to digital texts at home. The printed Ndjebbana texts that were kept at school were transformed to Ndjebbana talking books displayed on touch screen computers in the children's homes. Some results of the children's interaction around these touch screens are presented as well as some quantitative results of the computer viewing in the homes. The processes of rejecting technological determinism, upholding linguistic human rights of speakers of minority languages and viewing technology as practice rather than a set of artefacts are discussed in this paper. The results of this study highlight the need for speakers of minority Indigenous Australian languages to have access to texts in their threatened languages on technologies at home.

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Eight major essays by leading social scientists on key elements of Australian institutional life.

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The article examines the re-emergence of indigenous rights in contemporary international law in the context of worldwide agitation by indigenous peoples for the adoption by the United Nations of a Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. Two approaches to the protection of indigenous rights are considered: a minimal one that relies on existing human rights conventions, and an inspirational one that seeks a Declaration negotiated in partnership with states willing to recognise indigenous autonomy. Attention is given to judicial recognition of the right to self-determination as a right of free choice, and to the distinction between minority rights and indigenous autonomy. The importance of defining indigenous self-determination in a positive way is emphasised, and prospects for a new UN permanent indigenous forum overcoming the stalemate about indigenous rights are reviewed in terms of the need for greater dialogue.

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Issue addressed: The complexities encountered in an Indigenous community when a white project support team assisted a school (Bwgcolman on Palm Island, Queensland) to implement MindMatters, a centralised, national project aiming to promote the psychosocial health of young Australians through the development of a comprehensive, school- based mental health promotion program. Approach: The MindMatters consortium offered pilot schools curriculum materials, professional development for staff, funding and ongoing support at a local level in return for their participation in the project. The support team flew to the island on two occasions to provide support. Conclusion: Whether or not MindMatters constituted a community project at Bwgcolman is debatable. Nevertheless, the project at Bwgcolman was considered a 'success' by key players since initial aims identified by the school were tangible (eg, professional development, curriculum development) and met in a way that the school could take ownership of. Additionally, behavioural management policy was implemented in a manner that was cognisant of a history of coercive relations with Indigenous communities. So what?: It is important in the telling of the success story at Bwgcolman that even though MindMatters endeavoured to be culturally sensitive, it was nevertheless a centralist mental health promotion program. Future mental health promotion initiatives need to be aware that the approach of the support team in attempting to hand back some community control at the local level may have played a role in the school succeeding.

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Three strikes laws are discriminatory but not for previously advanced reasons. The three strikes laws are merely an acute example of a fundamentally flawed sentencing system that discriminates against economically and socially disadvantaged people, particularly the group that is the focus of this article – Indigenous Australians. The repeal of the Northern Territory's mandatory sentencing laws has not remedied the unfair manner in which sentencing law and practice operate against Aboriginals; either in the Northern Territory or generally. Criminal punishment systems around the world punish a disproportionate number of socially deprived people. In Australia, Indigenous Australians were grossly over-represented in Australian jails prior to the three strikes laws and will remain so unless steps are taken to address their disadvantage. The obvious solution to redress the over-representation by Indigenous Australians is to provide them with the same social opportunities and resources as the rest of the community. This is overly ambitious – at least in the short term. This article suggests a more attainable change in sentencing law to remedy some of the disadvantages experienced by Aboriginals. It suggests that far less weight should be accorded to prior convictions in the sentencing calculus.

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At Corindi Beach on the mid-north coast of New South Wales are five twentieth century campsites located on the fringes of the township, beside the town racecourse, an area called by local Aboriginal people 'No man's land'. These campsites are important symbols of the self-sufficient lifestyle followed by the Corindi Beach Indigenous community in the twentieth century and are a physical reminder of cross-cultural relationships between local people over the last hundred years. In a collaborative research project with Yarrawarra Aboriginal Corporation, these places are being documented through studying oral history, the cultural landscape and the material culture left behind at these places.

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It is common knowledge, especially in the context of the findings of the Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody (RCIADIC),' that indigenous persons are over-represented at all stages of the criminal justice system. Unfortunately, little has changed since the RCIADIC and indigenous representation in prisons throughout the states and territories of Australia remains at high levels. What has come to prominence since the RCIADIC, particularly through the findings of the Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission in the 1997 report Bringing Them Home, is the notion of the Stolen Generation. For practitioners with indigenous clients, an important matter that may be put in mitigation is the effect of belonging to the Stolen Generation in terms of offering not only an explanation for offending, but also in terms of submissions put forward on behalf of the client pertaining to disposition. In this context, the Victorian Court of Appeal decision in R v Fuller-Cust is an important one, particularly the dissenting judgment of Eames J. His Honour, in a persuasive and well-reasoned judgment, suggests a method of sentencing indigenous offenders that relates questions of Aboriginality, the Stolen Generation and punishment.