66 resultados para Gay village

em Deakin Research Online - Australia


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Powerful and moving accounts from young people, parents and teachers on the important support that families, schools and communities can provide when children come out.

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Arsenic contaminated water from tube wells has become the major health problem threatening millions of people in Bangladesh. However, the arsenic (As) contaminated water is not just used for drinking, it is used to irrigate crops, and to wash and prepare food. Contamination of agricultural soils by long-term irrigation with As contaminated water can lead to contamination and phyto-accumulation of the food crops with As and other toxic metals. As a consequence, dietary exposure to As and other toxic metals may contribute substantially to the adverse health effects caused by the contaminated tube wells in Bangladesh. Various vegetables, rice, pulses and the grass pea were sampled in Samta village in the Jessore district of Bangladesh and screened for As, Cd, Cu, Pb and Zn by inductively coupled plasma atomic emission spectrometry and inductively coupled plasma mass spectrometry. These local food crops provide the majority of the nutritional intake of the people in this area and are of great importance to their overall health. In general, our data show the potential for some vegetables to accumulate heavy metals with concentrations of Pb greater than Cd. The concentrations of As and Cd were higher in vegetables than in rice and pulses. The concentration of Pb was generally higher in rice than in pulses and vegetables. However, some vegetables such as bottle ground leaf, ghotkol, taro, eddoe and elephant foot had much higher concentrations of Pb. Other leafy and root vegetables contained higher concentrations oJ2n and Cu. Rice grown at Samta had increased Pb and As, but, considering an average daily intake of only 260 g rice per person per day, only the Pb is at concentrations which would be a health hazard/or human consumption.

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In a qualitative study, 20 HIV-infected Australian gay men were interviewed about their decision not to access antiretroviral drug therapy. The main reasons given for the decision were fear of side effects; fear of long-term damage to body organs; the inconvenience of the treatment regimens; belief that the regimen's demands would be a threat to morale; and belief that there was no reason to start therapy in the absence of AIDS-related symptoms. Actions taken by the men to monitor and maintain their health included seeing a doctor regularly; having regular T-cell and viral load tests; and trying to maintain a positive outlook by not letting HIV/AIDS 'take over' their lives. Almost half the men considered they had been subjected to unreasonable pressure to access therapy and there was considerable pride at having resisted this pressure. The findings suggest that the men disagreed with the biomedical model for managing HIV/AIDS only on the question of if and when to access therapy. They also suggest that underlying the men's dissent from the biomedical model was a different mode of thinking than is required by the model: while the model demands thinking that is abstract, the men focused strongly on factors close to the 'here and now' of immediate experience. The practical implications of the findings are explored.

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In 3 studies we recorded gay men's estimates of the likelihood that HIV would be transmitted in various sexual behaviours. In Study 1 (data collected 1993, n=92), the men were found to believe that transmissibility is very much greater than it actually is; that insertive unprotected anal intercourse (UAI) by an HIV-infected partner is made safer by withdrawal before ejaculation, and very much safer by withdrawal before either ejaculation or pre-ejaculation; that UAI is very much safer when an infected partner is receptive rather than insertive; that insertive oral sex by an infected partner is much less risky than even the safest variant of UAI; that HIV is less transmissible very early after infection than later on; and that risk accumulates over repeated acts of UAI less than it actually does. In Study 2 (data collected 1997/8, n=200), it was found that younger and older uninfected men generally gave similar estimates of transmissibility, but that infected men gave somewhat lower estimates than uninfected men; and that estimates were unaffected by asking the men to imagine that they themselves, rather than a hypothetical other gay man, were engaging in the behaviours. Comparison of the 1993 and 1997/8 results suggested that there had been some effect of an educational campaign warning of the dangers of withdrawal; however, there had been no effect either of a campaign warning of the dangers of receptive UAI by an infected partner, or of publicity given to the greater transmissibility of HIV shortly after infection. In Study 3 (data collected 1999, n=59), men induced into a positive mood were found to give lower estimates of transmissibility than either men induced into a neutral mood or men induced into a negative mood. It is argued that the results reveal the important contribution made to gay men's transmissibility estimates by cognitive strategies (such as the 'availability heuristic' and 'anchoring and adjustment') known to be general characteristics of human information-processing. Implications of the findings for AIDS education are discussed.

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In the current study, the attitudes, behaviors and experiences of 26 gay or bisexual men who were married to a woman are examined. Data are provided on childhood family background and experiences, sexual practices with men, reasons for entering marriage, and the “coming out” process. The frequency of childhood sexual experiences was associated with unsafe sexual practices with other men in adulthood. Attitudes toward lesbians and gay men were more negative now than at the time of marriage. The two most frequent reasons for marriage were that it seemed natural, and a desire for children and family life. The results support the hypothesis that internalised homophobia is a factor that leads men into mixed-orientation marriages. Cognitive consistency theory is used to explain the eventual marriage breakdown.

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In two studies, the effects of induced mood on the AIDS-related judgements of gay men were investigated. Participants were induced into a positive, neutral, or negative mood by recall of affect-laden autobiographical memories; they then made AIDS-related judgements. In Study 1 (n=30), the men indicated their level of agreement with statements expressing optimism about the efficacy of antiretroviral treatments for HIV/AIDS. Those induced into a positive mood indicated stronger agreement than did those induced into a neutral or negative mood. In Study 2 (n=83), participants read brief descriptions of men they did not know and estimated the likelihood that they were HIV-infected. Each sketch highlighted one characteristic of the man described. There were two versions of each sketch (e.g., the versions of the sketch highlighting intelligence described the man either as very intelligent or as very unintelligent), given to different participants. Stereotype use was inferred if significantly different estimates were given for the two versions of a sketch. Reliance on stereotypes was found most often in the positive mood condition and least often in the negative mood condition. The findings are consistent with, and suggest explanations for, earlier correlational evidence that, in gay men of the age group studied, sexual risk-taking is associated with a positive mood. Suggestions are made for how AIDS educators might address the contributions of mood states to sexual risk-taking.

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This paper was presented in a session at the AIDS Impact conference devoted to a debate on the methods that should be used to evaluate educational interventions. The paper highlights two desiderata for evaluation of interventions directed at gay men. First, the view is presented that there is no acceptable substitute for assessing the effect of an intervention on gay men's sexual behaviour (rather than, for example, their AIDS-related attitudes or beliefs). This view is justified in terms of (a) the differences that exist between AIDS-related thinking in the cold light of day and during actual sexual encounters; and (b) the often faulty nature of intuitions about the factors that contribute to sexual risk-taking and the ways in which it might be reduced. Second, it is argued that the randomized control study design represents the best means for ensuring that interventions will be as effective as possible. Criticisms which have been made of this design are discussed and the conclusion drawn that they do not amount to a strong case against it.

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Drinking of arsenic (As) contaminated well water has become a serious threat to the health of many millions in Bangladesh. However, the implications of contamination of agricultural soils from long-term irrigation with As-contaminated groundwater for phyto-accumulation in food crops, and thence dietary exposure to As, and other metals, has not been assessed previously in Bangladesh. Various vegetables were sampled in Samta village in the Jessore district of Bangladesh, and screened for As, Cd, Pb, Cu and Zn by inductively coupled plasma emission spectrometry (ICP-AES) and inductively coupled plasma mass spectrometry (ICP-MS). These local food products are the basis of human nutrition in this region and of great relevance to human health. The results revealed that the individual vegetables containing the highest mean As concentrations (μg g−1) are snake gourd (0.489), ghotkol (0.446), taro (0.440), green papaya (0.389), elephant foot (0.338) and Bottle ground leaf (0.306), respectively. The As concentration in fleshy vegetable material is low. In general, the data show the potential for some vegetables to accumulate heavy metals with concentrations of Pb greater than Cd. Some vegetables such as bottle ground leaf, ghotkol, taro, eddoe and elephant foot had much higher concentrations of Pb. Other leafy and root vegetables, contained higher concentrations of Zn and Cu. Bioconcentration factors (BCF) values, based on dry weight, were below 1 for all metals. In most cases, BCF values decreased with increasing metal concentrations in the soil. From the heavily As-contaminated village in Samta, BCF values for As in ladies finger, potato, ash gourd, brinjal, green papaya, ghotkol and snake gourd were 0.001, 0.006, 0.006, 0.014, 0.030, 0.034 and 0.038, respectively. Considering the average daily intake of fresh vegetables per person per day is only 130 g, all the vegetables grown at Samta had Pb concentrations that would be a health hazard for human consumption. Although the total As in the vegetables was less than the recommended maximum intake of As, it still provides a significant additional source of As in the diet.

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Among the self-justifications that gay men use when engaging in high-risk sex is the thought that they are less at risk than most gay men. Two explanatory models of such 'unrealistic optimism' (UO) have been proposed: while the motivational account holds that UO arises because it serves the function of bringing comfort, the cognitive account holds that UO serves no particular function, being simply a by-product of normal cognitive strategies. This study investigated predictions derived from the motivational account. Gay men uninfected with HIV (n = 88) answered two test questions, requiring them to estimate, respectively, their own risk of becoming infected and that of the average gay man. The questions were presented in the two possible orders, and were either separated or not separated by unrelated filler material. The great majority of the men (89%) exhibited UO. Neither question order nor the interpolation of filler material affected responses to either test question. The results were inconsistent with the motivational account, but explicable in terms of the cognitive account. It seems that the cognitive account provides the better explanation of at least that form of UO measured in this study. Implications for AIDS educators are discussed.

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Most of the research on career development of sexual minorities focuses on lesbians. Gay men, on the other hand, have received little attention in the literature as it is assumed that they face fewer difficulties in career development because they are men. This paper redresses this gap by presenting an analysis of the impact of sexual identity on the career development of gay men, drawing on both a literature review of the literature on sexual identity, gay organizational studies and career development and the results of a recent interview study. In accord with other literature, the study demonstrates that gay men, like other sexual minorities, are confronted with a conflict between personal and career needs, and have to deal with society's expectations and intolerance towards homosexuality. Suggestions are given for research that will lead to a deeper understanding of the career decisions and attitudes of gay men.

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Among the self-justifications that gay men use when deciding to have unprotected intercourse is the thought that they are at less risk than most gay men. Two explanatory models of such 'unrealistic optimism' (UO) have been proposed: while the motivational account holds that UO serves the function of bringing comfort, the cognitive account holds that UO serves no particular function, being simply a by-product of normal cognitive strategies. This study tested the prediction, derived from the motivational account, that highlighting the salience of the self-other comparison should increase UO. Gay men uninfected with HIV (n = 122) estimated both their own risk of contracting various health problems - among them, becoming infected with HIV - and that of the average gay man. The purported aim of collecting the data was varied, so as to either make the self-other comparison central to the aim or render one of the two types of estimate irrelevant to the aim. No effect on UO was found. It seems that the cognitive account provides a better explanation than does the motivational account of at least that form of UO measured in this study. Implications for AIDS education are discussed.

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The experience of Village Roadshow, in its two failed attempts to have a share buy-back scheme approved by the Supreme Court, sounds a warning to companies and their legal advisers about the pitfalls in presentation of such schemes to shareholders.