After Charlie: free speech and the political economy of communication

Three significant events at the start of 2015 have put freedom of speech firmly on the global agenda. The first was the carry-over from the December 2014 illegal entry to the Sony Corporation’s file servers by anonymous hackers, believed to be linked to the North Korean regime. The second was the horrible attack on journalists, editors, and cartoonists at the French satirical magazine, Charlie Hebdo on 7 January. The third was the election of leftwing anti-austerity party Syrzia in Greece on 25 January.While each event is different in scope and size, they are important to scholars of the political economy of communication because they all speak to ongoing debates about freedom of expression, freedom of speech and freedom of the press. I name each of these concepts separately because, despite popular confusion, they are not the same thing (Patching and Hirst, 2014) . Freedom of expression is the right to individual self-expression through any means; it is an inalienable human right. Freedom of speech refers to the right (and the physical ability) to utter political speech, to say what others wish to repress and to demand a voice with which to express a range of social and political thoughts. Freedom of the press is a very particular version of freedom of expression that is intimately bound with the political economy of speech and of the printing press. Freedom of the press is impossible without the press and, despite its theoretical availability to all of us, this principle is impossible to articulate without the material means (usually money) to actually deploy a printing press (or the electronic means of broadcasting and publishing).Freedom of expression is immutable; freedom of speech subject to legal, ethical and ideological restriction (for better, or worse) and freedom of the press is peculiar to bourgeois society in that it entails the freedom to own and operate a press, not the right to say or publish on a level playing field. Access to freedom of the press is determined in the marketplace and is subject to the unequal power relationships that such determination implies.It is fitting to start with the Charlie Hebdo massacre because the loss of 17 lives makes this the most chilling of the three events and demands that it be given prominence in any analysis. No lives have been lost yet because Sony’s computers were hacked and the election of Syriza has not (yet) led to mass deaths in Greece.

Cluster housing and the freedom of choice: a response to Emerson (2004)

Comments on the study of people with an intellectual disability. Inferiority of the standard of various objectively measured variables for the people living in cluster housing; Behavior of people living in cluster housing; Consideration of a study that compared pensioners with socialites on the extent of their social networks.

What is 'political communication'? The rationale and scope of the implied freedom of political communication

The aim of this article is to identify what counts as ‘political communication’ for the purposes of the implied constitutional freedom of political communication. This is done for two reasons. The first is to delimit the scope of the implied freedom. The second is to clarify whether racial vilification is ‘political communication’, which is the initial step that must be taken in order to assess the constitutionality or otherwise of current Australian racial vilification laws. It is, however, necessary and desirable to establish a sound theoretical basis for the implied freedom before these questions can be properly considered. To this end, it is argued that a minimalist model of judicially-protected popular sovereignty underpins the implied freedom and is the rationale that must guide its interpretation and application. The analysis undertaken demonstrates that a generous zone of ‘political communication’ must attract constitutional protection and that racial vilification will in certain circumstances amount to ‘political communication’.

So far no good: the regulatory failure of criminal racial vilification laws in Australia

This article considers the efficacy of the two main legislative models in Australia which make racial vilification a crime. To this end, it considers whether the laws are compatible with the protection and promotion of freedom of speech; whether they sit comfortably within the existing criminal law frameworks; and whether the text of the offences is sufficiently clear and precise. It considers that the current models are fundamentally flawed and ought to be repealed, arguing, instead, for a particular kind of penalty enhancement statute.

Freedom of political communication, public officials and the emerging right to personal privacy in Australia

In recent times Australian courts have demonstrated a willingness to fashion a right to personal privacy at common law. The Australian Law Reform Commission has noted this impOt1ant development and said it was likely to continue in the absence of legislative action in the area. The aim of this article is to outline a theoretical framework to underpin and inform the development of this emerging right - howsoever framed - and the extent to which it is possible for the law to provide meaningful privacy protection to public officials under the Constitution.

The status of flag desecration in Australian law

Law relating to the desecration of the Australian flag in a public place - the influence of the flag on Australia's culture and politics - whether flag desecration is a constitutionally protected political communication - the constitutionality of the Flags (Protection of Australian Flags) Amendment Bill 2008 - whether the treatment of flag desecration under Australian law is likely to change if and when a statutory bill of rights is enacted.

The effects of speech production and vocabulary training on different components of spoken language performance

A group of 21 hard-of-hearing and deaf children attending primary school were trained by their teachers on the production of selected consonants and on the meanings of selected words. Speech production, vocabulary knowledge, reading aloud, and speech perception measures were obtained before and after each type of training. The speech production training produced a small but significant improvement in the percentage of consonants correctly produced in words. The vocabulary training improved knowledge of word meanings substantially. Performance on speech perception and reading aloud were significantly improved by both types of training. These results were in accord with the predictions of a mathematical model put forward to describe the relationships between speech perception, speech production, and language measures in children (Paatsch, Blamey, Sarant, Martin, & Bow, 2004). These training data demonstrate that the relationships between the measures are causal. In other words, improvements in speech production and vocabulary performance produced by training will carry over into predictable improvements in speech perception and reading scores. Furthermore, the model will help educators identify the most effective methods of improving receptive and expressive spoken language for individual children who are deaf or hard of hearing.

Evaluating and improving morpho-syntactic classification over multiple corpora using pre-trained, "off-the-shelf", parts-of-speech tagging tools

This paper evaluates six commonly available parts-of-speech tagging tools over corpora other than those upon which they were originally trained. In particular this investigation measures the performance of the selected tools over varying styles and genres of text without retraining, under the assumption that domain specific training data is not always available. An investigation is performed to determine whether improved results can be achieved by combining the set of tagging tools into ensembles that use voting schemes to determine the best tag for each word. It is found that while accuracy drops due to non-domain specific training, and tag-mapping between corpora, accuracy remains very high, with the support vector machine-based tagger, and the decision tree-based tagger performing best over different corpora. It is also found that an ensemble containing a support vector machine-based tagger, a probabilistic tagger, a decision-tree based tagger and a rule-based tagger produces the largest increase in accuracy and the largest reduction in error across different corpora, using the Precision-Recall voting scheme.

Evaluating parts-of-speech taggers for use in a text-to-scene conversion system

This paper presents parts-of-speech tagging as a first step towards an autonomous text-to-scene conversion system. It categorizes some freely available taggers, according to the techniques used by each in order to automatically identify word-classes. In addition, the performance of each identified tagger is verified experimentally. The SUSANNE corpus is used for testing and reveals the complexity of working with different tagsets, resulting in substantially lower accuracies in our tests than in those reported by the developers of each tagger. The taggers are then grouped to form a voting system to attempt to raise accuracies, but in no cases do the combined results improve upon the individual accuracies. Additionally a new metric, agreement, is tentatively proposed as an indication of confidence in the output of a group of taggers where such output cannot be validated.

Evaluating and improving morpho-syntactic classification over multiple corpora using pre-trained, “off-the-shelf”, parts-of-speech tagging tools

his paper evaluates six commonly available parts-of-speech tagging tools over corpora other than those upon which they were originally trained. In particular this investigation measures the performance of the selected tools over varying styles and genres of text without retraining, under the assumption that domain specific training data is not always available. An investigation is performed to determine whether improved results can be achieved by combining the set of tagging tools into ensembles that use voting schemes to determine the best tag for each word. It is found that while accuracy drops due to non-domain specific training, and tag-mapping between corpora, accuracy remains very high, with the support vector machine-based tagger, and the decision tree-based tagger performing best over different corpora. It is also found that an ensemble containing a support vector machine-based tagger, a probabilistic tagger, a decision-tree based tagger and a rule-based tagger produces the largest increase in accuracy and the largest reduction in error across different corpora, using the Precision-Recall voting scheme.

The evolution of freedom of association in Australia's federal industrial relations law: from trade union security to workplace rights

The early provisions protecting freedom of association in Australian federal industrial relations law supported trade union security. The interests of individuals were seen as adequately protected by collective groups. This principle dominated the industrial relations laws from 1904 to the mid-1970s. However, from the late 1970s, the laws were incrementally altered to promote freedom of choice and the rights of individuals not to be part of trade unions. The reframing of the laws also reflected changes in the wider Australian community, manifested particularly in the decline of union density rates. These changes were also part of an international trend, favouring the ideology of neoliberalism which contributed to an unsympathetic environment for trade unions. The current Fair Work Act 2009 (Cth) has signalled a return to collectivism, although freedom of choice is at the heart of the laws rather than the promotion of collective groups. In the absence of legislative support promoting the viability of collective groups, this freedom to choose is threatened, leaving many workers with little choice but to disassociate.