8 resultados para Foreigners

em Deakin Research Online - Australia


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Drawing on her experience of teaching social work at the University of Glasgow, Scotland, the author, an Australian social work academic, explores the question of whether there is a role for 'foreign' social work educators and refutes the suggestion that this is inappropriate. She does however identify issues which emerge with the employment of 'foreign' educators, including potentially differing understandings as to the nature and scope of social work.

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The unemployment crisis of 1926-7 focused attention onto the question of immigration. Historians of this period have generally focused on the crisis of public policy and popular antipathies towards foreigners; more recently historians have become attuned to voices of racism. Less attention has been paid to attempts to redress the policy weaknesses through a new legislative regime on immigration. This paper reviews one such proposal, made by Charles Lambert, a deputy from the Rhone, in 1931. Instrumental in a revision of the naturalization law in 1927 to encourage the assimilation of foreigners through the acquisition of French citizenship, Lambert proposed a comprehensive statute on immigration to select “desirable” foreigners and exclude the “undesirables” to promote the assimilation of the “better” elements. The paper argues that his rationale betrays a profound fear of mounting French weakness in the face of economic and demographic decline, and grave anxieties for the future health of the French nation.


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Euripides’ Medea has been reinvented several times in the twentieth century. While some modern Medeas reiterate conservative tropes of the monstrous feminine or the evil of the cultural Other, the infanticidal figure of Medea is also open to more politically progressive usages. Indeed, several modern versions of Medea are overt in their politicisation of the problems of colonialism and/or institutionalised gender dissymmetry: the Medeas of Pier Paolo Pasolini, Heiner Müller, Christa Wolf, and more recently the indigenous Australian version by Wesley Enoch, for example, enact resistance to the interpretative closures that construct Medea as a caricature of the evil Other. But what lends the Euripidean narrative to such politicisations? And what role does the infanticide have in modern politicisations of the narrative?

To answer these questions, the paper examines Pier Paolo Pasolini’s 1969 film Medea from his Trilogy of Life series. Focussing on Pasolini’s representation of Medea’s signature act, maternal infanticide, the paper outlines the complex ways in which this motif is integral to the film’s contestation of imperialist ideologies, values and practices, and its affiliations with Marxist and feminist criticism. Drawing upon theories of subjectivity and postcolonial discourse, the paper argues that the infanticide motif is politically enabling precisely because it exalts the politics of the ways in which subjectivity is defined. That is, the apparent blessing of the sun god over Medea’s murderous act speaks to the ways in which subjectivity is formed by the symbolic order: a point recalling Medea’s earlier articulation that society systematically demonises and oppresses foreigners and women. The films representation of infanticide, then, can be read in the light of the narratives politicisation of the discourses that define subjectivity and the hegemonic practices that subjugate and dominate the subaltern. So, while Medea’s infanticide is sometimes dismissed as a demonising representation of the cultural and sexual Other, it can also be read as the key to understanding Medea’s political radicality, drawing attention to the discourses of rights-bearing subjectivity in both its ancient and modern incarnations.

Pasolini’s project of anti-colonialism, however, is fraught with certain paradoxes. To politicise the predicament of imperial subjugation, Pasolini’s Medea places the burden of authenticity on the cultural and sexual Other, on Medea - and on Medea’s culture of origin, Colchis. In this way, Pasolini’s Medea mobilises the problematic discourses of ‘First World’ modernity that define the ‘Third World’ as the carrier of the symbolic burden of authenticity as well as of ‘the sacred.’ Pasolini’s Medea thus offers an overly schematic and abstract representation of the relationship between coloniser and colonised. However, Pasolini’s Medea is not simply or finally a reification of these discourses; rather it strategically mobilises them – just as it strategically mobilises the monstrous act of infanticide – to make its political point.

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Examines and evaluates the Agreement on Trade Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPs) in the development of China's innovative research capacity and the Convention for the Protection of New Plant Varieties (UPOV) criteria in protecting new plant varieties in encouraging China's creativeness. Argues that whilst UPOV sets up principles and standards that condone uncompensated extraction of plant genetic resources from China to developed countries, TRIPs gives foreigners preferential patent protection in China.

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In advanced capitalist societies, intellectual property laws protecting such subject matter as copyright and patents are justified by a combination of theories, which include the provision of economic incentives to foster creativity and innovation and the prevention of unfair competition. IP academics and policy makers have differing views about the appropriate balance between these objectives and public interest considerations such as health, education and the protection of the environment. These different views entered the policy debate in Asian developing countries in connection with an unprecedented introduction and expansion of IP laws over the last 25 years. This paper will use case studies of law reform from Asia, in particular Southeast Asia, to show that the policy considerations of governments in reforming their laws were often quite different from the standard rationale mentioned above. As much of the IP was, at least initially, held by foreigners and introduced to attract foreign investment, national development considerations were joined with the more commonly quoted objectives to promote the rights, creativity and innovation of individuals. Such national development objectives at times coincided and at other times collided with official explanations and received wisdom about the effects of stronger IP rights.

Especially in the early postcolonial period, copyright laws and other IP laws were frequently restricted or simply not implemented, if they conflicted with development policies in areas such as education or public health. Such policies were slowly changing in the wake of WTO-TRIPS and other international agreements. Nevertheless, the implementation and enforcement of the IP laws has been uneven. Specialised institutions such as courts and IP administering agencies compete with other branches of government and administration for limited funding and a rich repertoire of informal dispute settlement procedures has kept the number of court cases relatively low. In some countries, censorship laws have influenced freedom of expression and led to quite idiosyncratic interpretations of intellectual property laws. Governments often also retain a role in the assessment of licensing and technology transfer contracts. And while there are many programs to foster individual creativity, in most cases R & D activities are still largely taking place in government institutions and this has influenced the thinking about intellectual property rights and creativity in the context of employment.

The paper uses a few case studies to examine the implementation of IP laws in selected Asian developing countries to point to the quite different institutional setting for IP law reform in comparison to European or American models. It reaches some tentative conclusions as to the likely effects on creativity and innovation under these different circumstances.

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An attempt to limit the rights of domiciled foreigners in the Alsatian department of the Haut-Rhin in 1821 provides an opportunity to examine the impact of immigration on early-industrial society and shifting perceptions of the place of foreigners in French society in a period often omitted from histories of immigration. New conceptions of belonging become evident, which demonstrate a turn away from local and subjective bonds to community, towards bonds regulated nationally through nationality law. Imposed in an emerging urban, industrial context, the limitations of rights—on access to the biens communaux and the droit d’affouage—were traditional restrictions of rural society and modes of distinguishing the included from the excluded and were imposed on long-settled foreigners who failed to become naturalized as French citizens. The article reflects on the question why, if the concerns about immigration and industrialization turned on recently arrived foreign workers, these traditional exclusions were imposed on established resident foreigners.

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In the middle of writing this chapter, I visited a friend who has beenin the development industry for a couple of decades. I had not seenhim for a while as he had been in Afghanistan and, for a considerableperiod after that, in hospital. Afghanistan has arguably been the mostdangerous place in the world to do development work, perhaps since the1960s, and, of course, undertaking development while a war is ongoingis almost a contradiction in terms. Especially in Afghanistan, butperhaps in many other ‘difficult sociopolitical contexts’, developmentgains have been few, extraordinarily expensive for their outcomes, andprobably not sustainable.Not all development workers end up in my friend’s situation; a suicidebomber left him substantially and permanently damaged. But, juston this personal level, I have had colleagues and friends arrested, shotat, jailed and kidnapped, as well as being exposed to dangerous illnessesand, too often unstated, often long-term psychological trauma. Localswhom colleagues have worked with have experienced all this, as well asbeing beaten, tortured and, too often, killed. My own first rule in ‘difficultsociopolitical contexts’ is never to expose another person to danger,either at the time or, potentially, later. Yet it happens, to foreigners, tolocals working with foreigners and to state employees. Developmentworkers easily fall foul of the extremes of competing perspectives andgoals, where there is no such thing as neutrality and everyone who isnot a clear friend is a clear enemy.

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There have been numerous attempts to explain why the precocious code of football that started as a game played under Melbourne Club rules devised in 1859 became the dominant form in Victoria and the most influential in Australia, while Association football (soccer) had little impact until the second half of the twentieth century. In this article, attention is directed at some demographic features that have not been addressed in the literature and on the journalists who helped shape public perceptions of this form of the game. For the first 20 years after the codification of this unique football there was virtually no inward migration into Victoria, so the domestic game had its first free kick with few foreigners with different ideas of how the game should be played to disturb its establishment. Furthermore, the journalists who shaped the ideas of the readership of the Victorian newspapers had little or no knowledge of the forms of football played in Victoria prior to 1855, and their unconscious or conscious imperialism helped secure the pre-eminence of the new code.