26 resultados para Food labelling legislation

em Deakin Research Online - Australia


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This study examines supply chain members’ beliefs regarding the opportunities to develop foods produced under an 'eco-friendly' label. The study involved in-depth interviews with 17 Australian senior managers in food organisations who have marketing responsibilities and who have expert product and consumer knowledge (c.f. Clift and Wright 2000, Peattie 2000). The findings suggest that respondents have widely different beliefs regarding the meaning of 'eco-friendly' and believe that claims regarding 'eco-friendly' characteristics are difficult to substantiate. They further suggested that 'eco-friendly' considerations are not a major influencer of consumer food purchase decisions at present and thus 'eco-friendly' production was not a strategic focus of their companies. Respondents felt that 'eco-friendly' labelling would not be successful until consumers’ value 'eco-friendly' food attributes.

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Environmental Management Systems (EMSs) address environmental risks in supply chains and certification of environmental claims. Governments supporting EMSs have encouraged producers to respond to anticipated consumer environmental concerns. Attempts at implementing EMSs have rarely been in direct response to market demand but are usually farmer organisation driven – to forestall increased regulation. In Australia, consumer demand for foods produced to environmentally sustainable standards is minimal because consumers don’t believe these products offer special benefits. EMS implementation is expensive and onerous; and the products require a market premium. Food consumers have difficulty differentiating the terms organic, environmentally-friendly, and sustainably-produced in food labelling.

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Food policy interventions are an important component of obesity-prevention strategies and can potentially drive positive changes in obesogenic environments. This study sought to identify regulatory interventions targeting the food environment, and barriers/facilitators to their implementation at the Australian state government level. In-depth interviews were conducted with senior representatives from state/territory governments, statutory authorities and non-government organizations (n = 45) to examine participants’ (i) suggestions for regulatory interventions for healthier food environments and (ii) support for pre-selected regulatory interventions derived from a literature review. Data were analysed using thematic and constant comparative analyses. Interventions commonly suggested by participants were regulating unhealthy food marketing; limiting the density of fast food outlets; pricing reforms to decrease fruit/vegetable prices and increase unhealthy food prices; and improved food labelling. The most commonly supported preselected interventions were related to food marketing and service. Primary production and retail sector interventions were least supported. The dominant themes were the need for whole-of-government and collaborative approaches; the influence of the food industry; conflicting policies/agenda; regulatory challenges; the need for evidence of effectiveness; and economic disincentives. While interventions such as public sector healthy food service policies were supported by participants, marketing restrictions and fiscal interventions face substantial barriers including a push for deregulation and private sector opposition.

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The objective of this study was to investigate consumers’ knowledge of health risks of high salt intake and frequency of use and understanding of labelled salt information. We conducted a cross-sectional survey in shopping centres within Metropolitan Melbourne. A sample of 493 subjects was recruited. The questionnaire assessed salt related shopping behaviours, attitudes to salt intake and health and their ability to interpret labelled sodium information. Four hundred and seventy four valid surveys were collected (65% female, 64% being the main shopper). Most participants knew of the relationship between salt intake and high blood pressure (88%). Sixty five percent of participants were unable to correctly identify the relationship between salt and sodium. Sixty nine percent reported reading the salt content of food products when shopping. Salt label usage was significantly related to shoppers concern about the amount of salt in their diet and the belief that their health could improve by lowering salt intake. Approximately half of the sample was unable to accurately use labelled sodium information to pick low salt options. Raising consumer awareness of the health risks associated with high salt consumption may increase salt label usage and purchases of low salt foods. However, for food labels to be effective in helping consumers select low salt foods a more ‘user friendly’ labelling format is needed.

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This thesis investigates the use of scientific evidence in the process of making public health policy. A case study located within a food regulation setting is used. The aim is to test theory against this case study. The outcome is a theoretical understanding of the use of scientific evidence in the policy-making process in a food regulation setting. Food regulation can influence food composition and food labelling and thereby affect the population's dietary intake. Frequently there are contested values, beliefs, ideologies and interests among stakeholders regarding the use of food regulation as a policy instrument to effect public health outcomes. The protection of public health and safety, taking into account evidence based practice, is generally employed by food regulators as the priority objective during the policy-making process to adjudicate among the competing expectations of stakeholders. However, this policy objective has not been clearly defined and is vulnerable to interpretation and application. The process by which folate fortification policy was made in Australia, in response to epidemiological evidence of a relationship between folate intake during the periconceptional period and reduced risk of neural tube defects, was analysed as a case study of the policy-making process. The folate fortification policy created a precedent for both food fortification and subsequently health claims policy in Australia. A social constructivist method was used to analyse the case study. The method involved deconstructing the food regulatory system into three levels; decision-making process; procedural; and political environment. Data aligned with each level of analysis was collected from 22 key informant interviews, documentary sources, field notes and surveys of both a random sample of the Australian population's knowledge of folate and use of folic acid-containing supplements (n = 5422), and the implementation of folate fortified food products into stores (n = 60). The insights that emerged from each of the three levels of analysis were assessed iteratively to identify a pattern of interrelationships associated with the policy-making process within the food regulatory system. The identified pattern was interpreted against existing theory to gain a theoretical understanding of the public health policy-making process in this political setting. The central argument of this thesis extends Sabatier and Jenkins-Smith's Advocacy Coalition Framework theory to a food regulation setting. The argument is that within the contemporary political climates of neoliberalism and globalisation, a coalition between corporate interests and the values of scientists with a positivist-reductionist approach to public health research is privileged so as to invoke certain scientific evidence to, in turn, legitimise food regulation policy decisions. The theory will help to inform policy-makers about how and why the public health policy objective in a food regulation setting is interpreted and applied. This will contribute to improving policy practice intended to effect public health outcomes. It is concluded that irrespective of the quantity and quality of the scientific evidence that is being made available, scientific evidence cannot be assumed to speak for itself Policy-making is an inherently political and value-laden process and the potential for politically motivated interpretation and application of otherwise value-neutral scientific evidence can undermine the investment in its generation. From this perspective, evidence based practice, far from liberating policy-making from political influence, can itself become part of the problem rather than the solution. Nevertheless, rational evidence based practice is an ideal to strive for and a series of recommendations is proposed to help make the use of evidence in current food regulation policy processes more transparent and democratic.

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This thesis outlined the role and potential impact of a range of policy options for obesity prevention. It provided evidence that population-wide interventions, such as changes to food labelling and taxes on unhealthy foods, are likely to offer excellent 'value for money' for governments from an obesity prevention perspective.

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Omega-3 long-chain polyunsaturated fatty acids (n-3 LC-PUFA) are almost unanimously recognized for their health benefits, while only limited evidence of any health benefit is currently available specifically for the main precursor of these fatty acids, namely α-linolenic acid (ALA, 18:3n-3). However, both the n-3 LC-PUFA and the short-chain C18 PUFA (i.e., ALA) are commonly referred to as “omega-3” fatty acids, and it is difficult for consumers to recognize this difference. A current gap of many food labelling legislations worldwide allow products containing only ALA and without n-3 LC-PUFA to be marketed as “omega-3 source” and this misleading information can negatively impact the ability of consumers to choose more healthy diets. Within the context of the documented nutritional and health promoting roles of omega-3 fatty acids, we briefly review the different metabolic fates of dietary ALA and n-3 LC-PUFA. We also review food sources rich in n-3 LC-PUFA, some characteristics of LC-PUFA and current industry and regulatory trends. A further objective is to present a case for regulatory bodies to clearly distinguish food products containing only ALA from foods containing n-3 LC-PUFA. Such information, when available, would then avoid misleading information and empower consumers to make a more informed choice in their food purchasing behavior.

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The lessons learned from over 20 years of obesity prevention efforts in Australia and New Zealand are presented. The obesity epidemic started in the 1980s but poor monitoring systems meant the rise in obesity prevalence initially went undetected. In the 1990s, experts started advocating for government action; however, it was the rapid increase in media reports on obesity in the early 2000s which created the pressure for action. Several, comprehensive reports produced some programme investment but no regulatory policies were implemented. The powerful food industry lobby ensured this lack of policies on front-of-pack food labelling, restrictions on unhealthy food marketing to children, or taxes on unhealthy foods. The New Zealand government even backpedalled by rescinding healthy school food guidelines and withdrawing funding for the comprehensive national obesity strategy. In 2007, Australian Governments started a major long term-investment in preventive health in order to improve economic productivity. Other positive initiatives, especially in Australia, were: the establishment of several advocacy organizations; successful, long-term, whole-of-community projects reducing childhood obesity; a national knowledge exchange system for practitioners; and some innovative programmes and social marketing. However, despite multiple reports and strong advocacy, key recommended regulatory policies remain unimplemented, largely due to the private sector interests dominating public policy development.

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Front-of-pack ‘traffic-light’ nutrition labelling has been widely proposed as a tool to improve public health nutrition. This study examined changes to consumer food purchases after the introduction of traffic-light labels with the aim of assessing the impact of the labels on the ‘healthiness’ of foods purchased. The study examined sales data from a major UK retailer in 2007. We analysed products in two categories (‘ready meals’ and sandwiches), investigating the percentage change in sales 4 weeks before and after traffic-light labels were introduced, and taking into account seasonality, product promotions and product life-cycle. We investigated whether changes in sales were related to the healthiness of products. All products that were not new and not on promotion immediately before or after the introduction of traffic-light labels were selected for the analysis (n = 6 for ready meals and n = 12 for sandwiches). For the selected ready-meals, sales increased (by 2.4% of category sales) in the 4 weeks after the introduction of traffic-light labels, whereas sales of the selected sandwiches did not change significantly. Critically, there was no association between changes in product sales and the healthiness of the products. This short-term study based on a small number of ready meals and sandwiches found that the introduction of a system of four traffic-light labels had no discernable effect on the relative healthiness of consumer purchases. Further research on the influence of nutrition signposting will be needed before this labelling format can be considered a promising public health intervention.

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Introduction: Cost-effectiveness analyses are important tools in efforts to prioritise interventions for obesity prevention.
Modelling facilitates evaluation of multiple scenarios with varying assumptions. This study compares the cost-effectiveness of
conservative scenarios for two commonly proposed policy-based interventions: front-of-pack ‘traffic-light’ nutrition labelling
(traffic-light labelling) and a tax on unhealthy foods (‘junk-food’ tax).
Methods: For traffic-light labelling, estimates of changes in energy intake were based on an assumed 10% shift in consumption
towards healthier options in four food categories (breakfast cereals, pastries, sausages and preprepared meals) in 10% of adults. For the ‘junk-food’ tax, price elasticities were used to estimate a change in energy intake in response to a 10% price increase in seven food categories (including soft drinks, confectionery and snack foods). Changes in population weight and body mass index by sex were then estimated based on these changes in population energy intake, along with subsequent impacts on disability-adjusted life years (DALYs). Associated resource use was measured and costed using pathway analysis, based on a health sector perspective (with some industry costs included). Costs and health outcomes were discounted at 3%. The cost-effectiveness of each intervention was modelled for the 2003 Australian adult population.
Results: Both interventions resulted in reduced mean weight (traffic-light labelling: 1.3 kg (95% uncertainty interval (UI): 1.2;
1.4); ‘junk-food’ tax: 1.6 kg (95% UI: 1.5; 1.7)); and DALYs averted (traffic-light labelling: 45 100 (95% UI: 37 700; 60 100);
‘junk-food’ tax: 559 000 (95% UI: 459 500; 676 000)). Cost outlays were AUD81 million (95% UI: 44.7; 108.0) for traffic-light
labelling and AUD18 million (95% UI: 14.4; 21.6) for ‘junk-food’ tax. Cost-effectiveness analysis showed both interventions were
‘dominant’ (effective and cost-saving).
Conclusion: Policy-based population-wide interventions such as traffic-light nutrition labelling and taxes on unhealthy foods are
likely to offer excellent ‘value for money’ as obesity prevention measures.

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The Pick the Tick programme of the National Heart Foundation of New Zealand aims to provide a framework for cooperation with the food industry to improve nutrition labelling and to develop a healthy food supply. Food manufacturers, whose products meet defined nutritional criteria, are able to display the Pick the Tick logo on food labels. The tick is used by 59% of shoppers in assisting them make healthy food choices. Food companies are encouraged to reformulate product composition if they fail to meet criteria and develop new products to specifically meet the Pick the Tick criteria. The objective of this study was to evaluate the impact of the programme on food formulation. The main outcome measure was the amount of salt not added to food products. Changes to sodium levels were multiplied by the volume of sales and then converted to salt in tonnes to provide a tangible measure of the impact of the programme. In a 1-year period, July 1998 to June 1999, Pick the Tick influenced food companies to exclude ~33 tonnes of salt through the reformulation and formulation of 23 breads, breakfast cereals and margarine. Breakfast cereals showed the largest reduction in sodium content by an average of 378 mg sodium per 100 g product (61%). Bread was reduced by an average of 123 mg per 100 g product (26%) and margarine by 53 mg per 100 g (11%). Pick the Tick appeals to the food industry as a tool for marketing food products and has provided an incentive to improve the nutritional value of foods. The tick on approved products not only acts as a ‘nutrition signpost’ for consumers but can also significantly influence the formulation of products without sacrificing taste or quality.