Problematising the mathematics curriculum : some examples from Australia and Japan

Problem solving is often seen as being the core of mathematics. While there are many examples of teaching for and about problem solving, there are relatively few examples of teaching mathematical content through problem solving. This paper uses data from three, apparently quite different, mathematics lessons from Australia and Japan to explore different ways in which mathematics can be taught successfully through problem solving and to analyse some of the characteristics of such lessons. It also attempts to identify some of the supports and constraints for adopting a problem solving approach to the teaching of mathematics that exist in the quite different contexts of Japan and Australia.

Analyzing Australian middle years students' preferred mathematics classroom practices

The Middle Years of schooling have become an issue for mathematics teachers and educators, and calls for the reform of this period of schooling are frequent. However, the suggested reforms appear to be divided in their views of what would be best for these students. This paper provides a brief overview of what some Middle Years students say about their needs. Some 1500 students in the Middle Years of schooling (Years 5 to 9) were surveyed about their preferred mathematics classroom activities: the methods and results of the survey may be extremely relevant to those contemplating Middle Years reform.

A cross-national study of calculus

The results from a cross-national study comparing calculus performance of students at East China Normal University (ECNU) in Shanghai and students at the University of Michigan before and after their first university calculus course are presented. Overall, ECNU significantly outperformed Michigan on both the pre- and post-tests, but the Michigan students showed a larger gain and normalized gain, and hence narrowed the gap. ECNU's superior performance was especially striking on the subset of problems requiring only a pre-calculus background. On those, Michigan's post-test scores were below ECNU's pre-test scores and, indeed, ECNU's higher performance on both the overall pre-test and overall post-test is attributable to its success on these problems.

The impact of employee perceptions of organizational corporate social responsibility practices on job performance and organizational citizenship behavior: evidence from the Chinese private sector

This paper examines the impact of employee perceptions of organizational corporate social responsibility (CSR) practices on their job performance and organizational citizenship behavior (OCB). Hierarchical regression analysis on two-wave data from 184 supervisor/subordinate dyads from three organizations located in Zhejiang Province, South-East China, revealed that employee perceptions of CSR toward social and non-social stakeholders strongly influenced their OCB. However, employee perceptions of CSR toward employees, customers and government influenced neither their job performance nor OCB.

Middle permian (Guadalupian) brachiopods from the Xiujimqinqi area, Inner Mongolia, northeast China, and their palaeobiogeographical and palaeogeographical significance

A small brachiopod fauna is described from the lower part of the Xiujimqinqi Formation of the Xiujimqinqi area in central-east Inner Mongolia, northeast China. The age of this fauna is regarded as Wordian (Middle Guadalupian, Middle Permian) by comparison with a similar brachiopod fauna from the Zhesi area of central Inner Mongolia, and by constraints from fusulinaceans associated with the Zhesi fauna. The Xiujimqinqi fauna is typical of mixed Boreal/Palaeoequatorial Middle Permian brachiopod faunas of East Asia. The mixed nature of these faunas is interpreted to have resulted from the combined effects of a middle palaeolatitudinal position, intensified plate convergence between Sino-Korea and Mongolia, and sea surface current connections with both the Arctic Sea in the north and eastern Palaeo-Tethys to the south. Possible Kaninospirifer is reported for the first time from China.

Isogramma Meek and Worthen, 1870 (Dictyonellida, Brachiopoda) from the upper Palaeozoic of East Asia: implications for biogeography and evolutionary trends

Isogramma manchoukuoensis from the Upper Carboniferous of northeast China is redefined based on re-examination of the type specimens. Isogramma specimens from the Middle Permian of northeastern Japan are reassigned to I. aff. paotechowensis. A new family, Schizopleuroniidae, is proposed to include Schizopleuronia, but excludes Megapleuronia, which belongs to the Megapleuroniidae Liao, 1983. The family Isogrammidae is considered to be a transitional group in the eichwaldid-isogrammid-schizopleuronid evolutionary lineage within the Dictyonellida. A review of the global distribution of Isogramma species reveals that the genus has a total of 56 species ranging from the Mississippian (Early Carboniferous) to the Lopingian (Late Permian). Isogramma diversified rapidly after its origination in the middle Viséan and its species diversity remained high throughout the Mississippian. The genus possibly suffered a severe mid-Carboniferous boundary mass extinction, with no Early Carboniferous species surviving this event. Bashkirian Isogramma species show low diversity, followed by a global recovery in the Moscovian. During the latest Carboniferous Isogramma became highly diversified again. At the Carboniferous–Permian (C/P) transition Isogramma underwent another dramatic diversity drop, followed by several stepwise declines in diversity during the Early–Middle Permian. The Wuchiapingian I. sinosa is the last Isogramma species.

Ukraine was the possible centre of origin for Isogramma. From Ukraine Isogramma spread over the Moscow Basin of Russia, Central Europe (Germany, Austria), South Europe (Spain) and West Europe (England, Ireland and Scotland), and migrated to the North American midcontinent and South China during the late Viséan (Early Carboniferous). In Europe, Isogramma migrated to Spain and eastern Europe (Serbia) in the Moscovian, from there it then dispersed into Central Asia (Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan) in the Kasimovian-Gzhelian. In the Palaeo-Tethys Isogramma migrated from South China to northeast and northwest China in the Moscovian, spread over the North China Block during the C/P transition, moved to Russian Siberia, Japan and the Qiangtang terrane of the Palaeo-Tethys during the Early–Late Permian. In North America Isogramma spread over the midcontinent during the Late Carboniferous and Early–Middle Permian and migrated to South America (Bolivia) in latest Carboniferous. Biogeographically, Isogramma was confined principally to the palaeo-tropical and warm to temperate zones throughout the Late Palaeozoic, with the possible exception of the Artinskian, as a questionable species of the genus also occurs in the Transbaikal region of southeast Russia.

The China threat : perceptions, myths and reality

"Since the end of the Cold War, one of the most significant debates in international relations has been the question of whether the rise of China as a major economic, political and military power will be a force for stability or instability in the international system and the East Asian region. Forceful arguments have been put forward on both sides."
"This book examines perceptions of the 'China Threat', and governments' policies in response to the perceived threat in a wide range of countries, including the United States, Russia, Europe, Japan, South Asia, South-East Asia and the Middle East, as well as the perceptions of the Chinese themselves. For each country current security concerns and policies, especially the policy of engagement, are examined in detail, and future prospects for relations with China are assessed. As the Bush administration in Washington increasingly focuses on China as a 'strategic competitor' and Sino-US-relations become increasingly tense, the 'China Threat' issue has come to dominate the security agenda in the Asia-Pacific region, and now poses the biggest foreign policy challenge of the twenty-first century."

Normative regionalism in East Asia

Normative regionalism has been largely overlooked and ignored; and
normative questions concerning regionalization are deemed unimportant,
idealist and irrelevant to Asia. This is mainly due to the domination of
realism, pragmatism and functional approaches, thus inhibiting the substantial
progress of regionalism in East Asia. It is time that scholars and
policy-makers take normative orders of regionalism seriously.
This chapter examines the state of normative regionalism and its impact
in East Asia through an overview of the historical evolution of the
concept of regionalism, the meanings of and variations in Asian regionalism,
and the impact of all these on regional cooperation in East Asia.
It examines the old pan-Asianism, the advocacy of "re-Asianization" in
Japan, Mahathir's idea of neo-Asianism in Malaysia and the ideas of
regionalism developed in Korea and China. This examination provides the
basis for a discussion of the normative order of East Asian regionalism
by addressing a set of questions concerning national sovereignty, nationalism,
democracy and regional identities.
In particular, this chapter will examine how Asian nationalist and statist
normative thinking influences various ideas of regionalism and constrains
the development of genuine regionalism in East Asia.

Australia and East Timor : elitism, pragmatism and the national interest

For over two decades the issue of East Timor's right to self-determination has been a ‘prickly’ issue in Australian foreign policy. The invasion by Indonesian forces in 1975 was expected, as Australian policy-makers had been well informed of the events leading up to the punitive action being taken. Indeed, prior discussions involving the future of the territory were held between the Australian Prime Minister and the Indonesian President in 1974. In response to the events unfolding in the territory the Australian Labor Government at the time was presented with two policy options for dealing with the issue. The Department of Defence recommended the recognition of an independent East Timor; whereas the Department of Foreign Affairs proposed that Australia disengage itself as far as possible from the issue. The decision had ramifications for future policy considerations especially with changes in government. With the Department of Foreign Affairs option being the prevailing policy what were the essential ingredients that give explanation for the government's choice? It is important to note the existence of the continuity and cyclical nature of attitudes by Labor governments toward Indonesia before and after the invasion. To do so requires an analysis of the influence ‘Doc’ Evatt had in shaping any possible Labor tradition in foreign policy articulation. The support given by Evatt for the decolonisation of the Netherlands East Indies (Indonesia) gave rise to the development of a special relationship-so defined. Evidence of the effect Evatt had on future Labor governments may be found in the opinions of Gough Whitlam. In 1975 when he was Prime Minister, Whitlam felt the East Timor issue was merely the finalisation of Indonesia's decolonisation honouring Evatt's long held anti-colonialist tradition existing in the Australian Labor Party. The early predisposition toward Indonesia's cohesiveness surfaced again in the Hawke and Keating Labor governments of later years. It did not vary a great deal with changes in government The on-going commitment to preserving and strengthening the bilateral relationship meant Indonesia's territorial integrity became the focus of the Australian political elites’ regional foreign policy determinations. The actions taken by policy-makers served to promote the desire for a stable region ahead of independence claims of the East Timorese. From a realist perspective, the security dilemma for Australian policy-makers was how to best promote regional order and stability in the South East Asian region. The desire for regional cohesiveness and stability continues to drive Australian political elites to promote policies that gives a priority to the territorial integrity of regional states. Indonesia, in spite of its diversity, was only ever thought of as a cohesive unitary state and changes to its construct have rarely been countenanced. Australia's political elite justifications for this stance vacillate between strategic and economic considerations, ideological (anti-colonialism) to one of being a pragmatic response to international politics. The political elite argues the projection of power into the region is in Australia’s national interest. The policies from one government to the next necessarily see the national interest as being an apparent fixed feature of foreign policy. The persistent fear of invasion from the north traditionally motivated Australia's political elite to adopt a strategic realist policy that sought to ‘shore up’ the stability, strength and unity of Indonesia. The national interest was deemed to be at risk if support for East Timorese independence was given. The national interest though can involve more than just the security issue, and the political elite when dealing with East Timor assumed that they were acting in the common good. Questions that need to be addressed include determining what is the national interest in this context? What is the effect of a government invoking the national interest in debates over issues in foreign policy? And, who should participate in the debate? In an effort to answer these questions an analysis of how the ex-foreign affairs mandarin Richard Woolcott defines the national interest becomes crucial. Clearly, conflict in East Timor did have implications for the national interest. The invasion of East Timor by Indonesia had the potential to damage the relationship, but equally communist successes in 1975 in Indo-China raised Australia's regional security concerns. During the Cold War, the linking of communism to nationalism was driving the decision-making processes of the Australian policy-makers striving to come to grips with the strategic realities of a changing region. Because of this, did the constraints of world politics dominated by Cold War realities combined with domestic political disruption have anything to do with Australia's response? Certainly, Australia itself was experiencing a constitutional crisis in late 1975. The Senate had blocked supply and the Labor Government did not have the funds to govern. The Governor-General by dismissing the Labor Government finally resolved the impasse. What were the reactions of the two men charged with the responsibility of forming the caretaker government toward Indonesia's military action? And, could the crisis have prevented the Australian government from making a different response to the invasion? Importantly, and in terms of economic security, did the knowledge of oil and gas deposits thought to exist in the Timor Sea influence Australia's foreign policy? The search for oil and gas requires a stable political environment in which to operate. Therefore for exploration to continue in the Timor Sea Australia must have had a preferred political option and thoughts of with whom they preferred to negotiate. What was the extent of each government's cooperation and intervention in the oil and gas industry and could any involvement have influenced the Australian political elites’ attitude toward the prospect of an independent East Timor? Australia's subsequent de jure recognition that East Timor was part of Indonesia paved the way for the Timor Gap (Zone of Cooperation) Treaty signing in 1989. The signing underpinned Australia's acceptance of Indonesian sovereignty over East Timor. The outcome of the analysis of the issues that shaped Australia's foreign policy toward East Timor showed that the political elite became locked into an integration model, which was defended by successive governments. Moreover, they formed an almost reflexive defence of Indonesia both at the domestic and international level.

Sovereignty and resistance : India, China and the Asian-African Conference, 1955

This thesis examines the Asian-African Conference at Bandung, Indonesia in 1955 from a broad historical perspective. It presents evidence that the assertion of independent Asian foreign policy - non-aligned and communist led by India and China - signalled a more significant, long-term shift in West-East realtions than has been previously identified.

East and West, past and present : rekindle old principles for new management practices

This paper explores the sayings and stories of the ancient Chinese philosophers Guanzi, Hanfeizi, Xunzi and Yanzi. Their way of ruling the state and managing the people are analysed and discussed in line with thoughts from the mainstream and modern Western management gurus, such as Warren Bennis, Peter Drucker, Mary Parker Follett, Douglas McGregor, Rosabeth Moss Kanter, Elton Mayo, and Jeffrey Pfeffer. Striking similarities call for addressing key issues in human resource management. East and west thinkers across 3000 years are identified. The principles-based ruling and management were found difficult to be taken seriously in ancient times as it is today. However, these principles must be rekindled to protect organisations and the world from mischievous behaviour that has caused much human suffering.

Efficiency, cointegration and contagion in equity markets : evidence from China, Japan and South Korea

This paper empirically examines whether three East Asian stock markets, namely, those of China, Japan and South Korea, are individually and/or jointly efficient, and whether contagion exists between the cointegrated markets. While individual market efficiency is examined through testing for the random walk hypothesis, joint market efficiency is examined through testing for cointegration and contagion. The present study finds that the hypothesis of individual market efficiency is strongly rejected for the Chinese stock market, but not for the Japanese and the South Korean stock markets. However, when testing for cointegration, market efficiency is strongly rejected for all these markets. We take a simple case of contagion and find that although there is a long-term relationship among the three markets, the contagion hypothesis cannot be rejected only between Japanese and South Korean stock markets, indicating short-run portfolio diversification benefits from these two markets.

West meets East : examining the use of reflective journals in international study programs

This paper documents the learning of a sample of 15 MBA students who have participated in an experiential international study program to China, and have used a reflective journal as a learning activity. Kolb and Kolb’s (2005) experiential model is used to analyse the learning experiences of the MBA students. Students encountered a number of learning benefits from reflective journal writing, and this included deep reflection, enjoyment, and being able to link theory with reality. The study found that students were able to develop knowledge from their experiences in China by crystallising those experiences when writing a reflective journal. The students developed knowledge about China’s economic growth, reasons for why it is growing, and students were able to critically analyse the challenges China faces from a moral, fairness, and environmental perspective.

Reconciliation and the Goguryeo/ Gāogōulì disputes between China and South Korea

Just as the failure to reconcile views of the past and to address historical injustice has damaged inter-state relations in East Asia, the Goguryeo/Gāogōulì dispute has harmed relations between South Korea and China. In this chapter, we provide a detailed analysis of the dispute, and explore how this contestation has been reconciled through elite settlement, UNESCO's arbitration and the idea of shared history.

China and technical global internet governance: Beijing’s approach to multi-stakeholder governance within ICANN, WSIS and the IGF

Since the late 1990s, the Chinese government has engaged in a process of attempting to reform the technical global internet governance regime, which is currently dominated by the US government and non-state actors. This article aims to contribute to the literature on Beijing’s approach to this issue by providing a detailed empirical account of its involvement in a few core regime organisations. It argues that Beijing’s reform approach is guided by its domestically derived preferences for strong state authority and expanding China’s global power, but that its reform efforts are unlikely to succeed based on countervailing structural hard- and soft-power factors.