54 resultados para Dealing with the past

em Deakin Research Online - Australia


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It is now well established that teaching a large class poses significant challenges in tertiary education (Biggs, 2003; Ramsden 2003). In this era of internationalization of education, the problems of teaching a large class are further compounded by the background and diversity of the student cohort. As the student groups become diverse they create challenges in a range of issues including designing the curriculum to appeal to large groups with varying learning styles, assessment, motivation, and creating a suitable learning environment.
Critical reflecting on one’s experiences is a necessary condition for improving teaching (Ramsden 2003). Brookfield (1995: 27) argues that critical reflection should be done from ‘as many unfamiliar angles as possible’ and proposes the use of four critical reflective lenses which include own experiences as a learner and a teacher, students perspectives, colleagues perspectives and though the lens of literature.
In this presentation, I intend to draw upon my experiences of teaching MMM132, one of the largest units in Deakin, to discuss both the challenges of teaching a large class and addressing some of these challenges. In doing so, I will explain how I used Brookfield’s (1995) critical reflection process by reflecting critically upon my own experiences as a teacher and a learner, using my students’ eyes, my colleagues’ perspectives and drawing on the existing literature to address the challenges of teaching a large group.

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People with mental impairment are so heavily over-represented in prisons and jails that jails have been labeled “warehouses for the mentally ill.” In many parts of the United States, there are more mentally impaired offenders in prisons than in hospitals for the mentally unwell. Offenders laboring with impaired mental functioning are often regarded as being less morally culpable for their crimes and hence less deserving of punishment. However, the reduced mental functioning of offenders does not diminish the harm caused to victims. People are no less dead if mentally unwell offenders kill them rather than offenders who are mentally sound. This tension has proven an intractable problem for sentencing law and practice. There are no clear, fair, and effective principles or processes for accommodating impaired mental functioning in the sentencing inquiry. It is an under-researched area of the law. In this Article, I explore this tension. Key to ascertaining the proper manner in which to incorporate mental illness into the sentencing system is clarity regarding the importance of consequences to the offender, as opposed to moral culpability. I analyze current approaches to sentencing offenders with mental health problems in both the United States and Australia. Despite the vastly different sentencing regimes in these countries, both systems are deficient in dealing with mentally ill offenders, but for different reasons. I propose a solution to administering sentences to offenders with a mental disorder that is equally applicable to both sentencing systems. Mental impairment should mitigate penalty. However, in determining the extent and circumstances in which it should do so, it is cardinal not to lose sight of the fact that those who are sentenced for a crime are not insane, and they were aware that their acts were wrong--otherwise they would not have been found guilty in the first instance. I argue that a standard ten percent sentencing discount should be accorded to offenders who were mentally disordered at the time of sentencing. There should be an even more substantial discount when it is likely that offenders will find the sanction--in particular imprisonment--more burdensome due to their mental state. This difference would ensure some recognition of the reduced blameworthiness of mentally impaired offenders and the extra hardship that some forms of punishment inflict on mentally *2 ill offenders, while not compromising the important objectives of proportionality and community protection. The only situations when mental disorder should not mitigate penalty are when the offender is a recidivist, serious sexual or violent offender. In these circumstances, the interests of the community are the paramount consideration. The analysis in this paper applies most directly when a term of imprisonment is imposed. However, the reasoning also extends to the threshold decision of whether or not a term of imprisonment should be imposed in the first place.

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Alcohol-related problems are a major cause of social disorder and illness in Australia. In particular, problems associated with the night-time economies of urban and regional centres cause substantial community concern and are a considerable drain on police, community and health resources. The estimated cost of alcohol to the community is $15.3 billion, including costs associated with crime, violence, patient treatment, loss of productivity and premature deaths in 2004–05 (Collins 2008). Alcohol has also been identified as a factor in around three quarters of assaults and incidents of offensive behaviour on the street (Buss 1995). Previous research has identified several issues that contribute to the levels of short-term harm associated with risky drinking. These include: excessive consumption at licensed premises, consumption in public areas and lack of transport and security in entertainment precincts (Homel et al. 1992; Graham & Homel 2008).

Drinking in licensed venues is another predictor of harm and public disorder. More than half of offences occurring on the street have been associated with licensed premises in Australia (Buss 1995). A complex range of factors increase risky drinking and associated harms on licensed premises including: aspects of patron mix; levels of comfort, boredom, and intoxication; promotions that cause mass intoxication; and the behaviour of security/bouncers (Homel et al. 1992). Violence has also been shown to be perpetuated by poor venue management, lax police surveillance, lack of transport options for patrons, and inappropriate bureaucratic controls and legislation (Homel et al. 1992). This project aims to provide evidence-based knowledge regarding the implementation and impact of innovative local initiatives directed at alcohol-related harms.

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This project will provide a comprehensive investigation into the prevalence of alcohol-related harms and community attitudes in the context of community-based interventions being implemented to reduce harm in two regional centres of Australia. While considerable experimentation and innovation to address these harms has occurred in both Geelong and Newcastle, only limited ad-hoc documentation and analysis has been conducted on changes in the prevalence of harm as a consequence, leaving a considerable gap in terms of a systematic, evidence-based analysis of changes in harm over time and the need for further intervention. Similarly, little evidence has been reported regarding the views of key stakeholder groups, industry, government agencies, patrons or community regarding the need for, and the acceptability of, interventions to reduce harms. This project will aim to provide evidence regarding the impact and acceptability of local initiatives aimed at reducing alcohol-related harms.

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AIMS AND OBJECTIVES: To systematically examine, describe and explain how continence care was determined, delivered and communicated in Australian long aged care facilities. BACKGROUND: Incontinence is a highly stigmatising condition that affects a disproportionally large number of people living in long-term aged care facilities. Its day-to-day management is mainly undertaken by careworkers. We conducted a Grounded theory study to explore how continence care was determined, delivered and communicated in long-term aged care facilities. This paper presents one finding, i.e. how careworkers in long-term aged care facilities deal with the stigma, devaluation and the aesthetically unpleasant aspects of their work. DESIGN: Grounded theory. METHODS: Eighty-eight hours of field observations in two long-term aged care facilities in Australia. In addition, in-depth interviews with 18 nurses and careworkers who had experience of providing, supervising or assessment of continence care in any long-term aged care facility in Australia. RESULTS: Occupational exposure to incontinence contributes to the low occupational status of carework in long-term aged care facilities, and continence care is a symbolic marker for inequalities within the facility, the nursing profession and society at large. Careworkers' affective and behavioural responses are characterised by: (1) accommodating the context; (2) dissociating oneself; (3) distancing oneself and (4) attempting to elevate one's role status. CONCLUSION: The theory extends current understandings about the links between incontinence, continence care, courtesy stigma, emotional labour and the low occupational status of carework in long-term aged care facilities. RELEVANCE TO CLINICAL PRACTICE: This study provides insights into the ways in which tacit beliefs and values about incontinence, cleanliness and contamination may affect the social organisation and delivery of care in long-term aged care facilities. Nurse leaders should challenge the stigma and devaluation of carework and careworkers, and reframe carework as 'dignity work'.

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"This work provides clear answers to difficult moral and social issues that we face in our personal lives - that governments need to address when balancing the interests of the community. By demystifying moral discourse, How to Live provides a clear moral pathway for students of philosophy, medicine, and law, as well as the general reader. The moral framework of How to Live is developed from an interdisciplinary perspective. The culmination presents a forward-thinking theory that will maximize the success and happiness of the individual and the community within a society."--BOOK JACKET