No respect : forging democracy in Bosnia and Kosovo

This paper discusses how international intervention to consolidate new democracies of post-conflict Bosnia and Kosovo interacts with the heritage of Islamic culture in both states. Within a study of specific examples in the context of civil-military relations, it is argued that the approach of authoritarian state-building, which establishes a democratic political culture by imposing international structures and standards, is posited on dismissing local capacities as unreliable, and undemocratic. The valorising of (Edemocracy¹, (Epeace¹, (Ejustice¹ and economic prosperity, creates a (Ecivilisational slope¹ that has potentially conflictual implications for Islam, political stability and a future for democracy in the region.

Conversations with the public : the role of journalists and public relations practitioners in creating civil discourses in non-metropolitan settings

This research deconstructs the relationship between journalists and public relations practitioners operating in non-metropolitan contexts. In identifying the specific differences in the way this relationship is defined within these contexts the research highlights the impact of these differences on the conversations  these media professionals have with their publics. Ultimately this relationship is see to be a key definer of the nature of the civil discourses within these non-metropolitan communities.

Public relations and the rhetoric of civil society

The intention of this paper is to build on a book by Anne Surma (2005). It takes some of Surma’s ideas probably beyond what was originally intended in order to suggest their logical conclusions for the practice of public relations. Surma argues that writing and reading of every type enables or otherwise facilitates or restricts imagination. Further, this shaping or inflection of the imagination leads to the shaping or the inflection of the type of ‘ethic’ which we are able to hold in our heads about the world which surrounds us. If this is the case then public relations writing, which has the very raison d’etre of influencing thought, must lend itself to important analysis in this regard. This paper presumes the reader has a basic understanding of Charles Saunders Peirce’s notion of semiotics.

Civil society, democracy and the state in South Korea: a critical dialogue

This review will discuss Hun Joon Kim’s important work on political dissent in the Republic of Korea, The Massacres at Mt. Halla: sixty years of truth-seeking in South Korea (Massacres at Mt. Halla). This book tells the story of the six-decade-long grassroots campaign to establish a truth commission into the events around Jeju 4.3: a series of counterinsurgency actions against armed uprisings that resulted in the large-scale massacre of civilians as well as other atrocities. Political activism looms large in South Korea’s modern political history, making a major contribution to the evolution of democracy in that country. For decades, the main game, and the focus of most academic scholarship, was the establishment of full participatory democracy in the country. Yet, behind the scenes and on the peripheries, many lower profile battles have been fought and the fate of these struggles is in some ways the real test of democracy in South Korea (Republic of Korea or ROK). Drawing together a broad range of primary documentary and interview material, Massacres at Mt. Halla makes a number of important contributions to audiences in Korean Studies, International Relations, and transitional justice. Kim brings to English speakers an unprecedented insight into the uprising, counterinsurgency operations, and activist efforts to bring this chapter of South Korean history to light. Careful archival research is supplemented with detailed personal interview data, the majority of which is in the Korean language and thus previously inaccessible to a wider audience. The value here lies with a detailed narrative that traces grassroots activism from the days of authoritarian government through the varied challenges of a newly democratic nation. In its telling, this story illuminates the ways in which local activism can be derailed or suppressed in a tight security environment. In this case, the backdrop was a political environment strictly managed by the state on the grounds of a fervent anti-communist policy. Anti-communism was in fact the only state-sanctioned ideology, one which had the backing of the ROK’s powerful US military ally. As Kim’s research demonstrates in a clear way, any activism that could be perceived to deviate from this ideology was harshly dealt with. The dawn of progressive government in South Korea in 1997 brought an end to explicit ‘red-baiting’,1 as it was known, but did not overturn altogether the rigid anti-communist structures that had accompanied the development of the modern South Korean state. In the following discussion, I first provide a brief introduction to Kim’s book before focusing my attention in on what Massacres at Mt. Halla tells us about this interaction between national security discourse and civil society activism.

The political economy of cross-border relations : the TNI and East Timor

Within a framework of formally increasingly cordial bilateral relations, the Indonesian military, the TNI, was engaging in and allowing extensive cross-border trade and smuggling while pursuing a policy of limited cross-border destabilization of East Timor. This seemingly contradictory policy, run from the TNI's 'strategic command centre' in Atambua, West Timor, met the TNI's continuing need to fund its own activities (and those of its proxies) through both legal and illegal means, to provide leverage for the coming talks about the formal demarcation of the border, and to provide a foothold to longer-term irredentist claims to the former occupied province and now independent state.

Non-government organisations and the dialectics of state and civil society

This paper is concerned with envisioning the development of non-government organisations (NGOs) in Australia over the next 200 years. It begins with a discussion of a hypothetical NGO, providing vignettes of its activities in 2104 and 2204, and sketching out contextual factors that might influence NGO development. This discussion is followed by an outline of the methodology upon which the projections indicated in the hypothetical case-study are based. Three methodological approaches are used. The first approach begins from an analysis of current contextual trajectories, and projects the role of NGOs within these trajectories. The second approach postulates that the changes that will occur will be affected by the reflexive nature of social change, involving continual reflection and action. The third methodological approach draws on this notion of reflexivity, but emphasises that social change is not only a reflexive process, it is also a dialectical one. The dialectical approach rests on the premise that change occurs through a process of the accumulation of contradictions, challenge and resolution. Using these methodological approaches the paper proceeds to identify three factors which will influence the Australian NGO sector in the next 200 years. These factors are the shifting relations between the state and civil society, including the rise of the neo-authoritarian state in the 21st century; the ways in which least advantaged people are dealt with and, finally, the idea of risk society. While it is more difficult to identify the contextual and NGO trajectories into the 22nd and 23rd centuries, the paper postulates a more utopian vision for NGOs in Australia in 200 years time, where the category of people who had been previously marginalised disappears, and the major roles of NGOs are to ensure cultural diversity and develop civil labour.

People, power and public relations

Public relations is conventionally viewed from a corporate perspective. However, recent events in Victoria have illustrated the fact that grassroots activism holds an increasing share of public relations expertise. In contemporary Victoria civil activism has advanced a long way from traditional adversarial NIMBY (Not In My Back Yard) campaigns and has succeeded in generating both social and cultural change. How does a civil activist approach the complex problem of public relations? How do they convince publics their arguments are in the interest of the whole community? Is it is a question of mimicking corporate techniques or has a new style of public relations evolved specific to their needs? This paper examines a case study in which an outer- suburban grassroots activist group effected significant change in state government and corporate policy. The results challenge the view that public relations is the exclusive tool of large corporations and governments and calls for a redefinition of ‘what is public relations’?

'Royal science' and civil war in Sri Lanka : a comment on S. Goonatilake

In highlighting the relationship between the production of knowledge, the administration of government and the formation of subject–citizens in colonial systems, post-colonialism has arguably found its most fertile field of inquiry and revision in South Asia. The reasons for this are complex and relate, in part, to the nature of both colonial administration and the colonised civilisations to be found in the region, as well as to the nature of the different independence movements—many of these persisting well beyond the formal grants of independence in the late 1940s. Also important is the emerging post-colonial middle class, its transnational interconnections comprising inter alia extensive participation in knowledge/information economies, and its ‘organic intellectuals’ (Gramsci 1971) whose work represents the interests of their class. In other words, the tremendous insights offered by post-colonial theory into the nature of latent or implicit power relations to be found in forms of knowledge reveal the ongoing complicity of scholarship in government. Post-colonialism, thus, raises the issue of how the nexus of knowledge and power translates into contemporary situations—the post-colonial predicament (Breckenridge and van der Veer 1993).

State-NGO relations in Malaysia in the Mahathir years

This thesis states that the containment of NGOs is not simply due to the state's control of the political mechanisms. This study argues that the boundaries for NGOs are determined by the interplay between the state, the ruling elites, the middle class and the business elites.

Pakistan-China bilateral relations 2001-2011 : a deepening but cautious partnership

Last year (2011) marked the sixtieth anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between Pakistan and China. The bilateral relationship has deepened significantly since 1951, with both countries benefiting from this relationship. However, Pakistan would like to deepen it even further, while China is more pragmatic and cautious. There are irritants, notably the killing of Chinese citizens, the presence of Uighur militants in Pakistan and their different interests in Afghanistan, which could put some stress on the relationship. While the relationship will continue to grow, China is not about to displace the US as Pakistan’s major economic and military aid provider.

Australia’s initiatives in post-conflict nation building in Iraq

After decades of growth and development, Iraq has become amongst the worst performing states worldwide as a legacy of successive wars and sanctions despite the rich endowment with ample natural resources and capable human resources. Many observers expected that the “new” Iraq after the US “liberation” in 2003 will be a tolerant and unified nation-state that “with a degree of civil society” will grant and secure the human rights for all the Iraqi people (Gresham 2006: 27). However, due to the external military intervention lead by the US, the Iraq state collapsed after the 2003 war (Diamond 2005) as well as its economic, educational, health systems and infrastructure; and, Iraq’s development indicators are amongst the lowest globally (Hassin 2010). Australia’s controversial joining of Bush’s Coalition of Willing has been discussed by various intellectual studies from different angles. It is discussed in the socio-political discourse from an international relations perspective (Verrier 2003), social resistance to war (Hil 2008), and the implications on the Australian internal politics (McAllister and Bean 2006) and federal elections (Kelton 2008). However, there is scarce evidence about any research engaging with Australia’s roles in post-conflict nation building in Iraq. This article explores developmental roles and initiatives played and funded by Australia in Iraq since the invasion in 2003. Based on Hippler’s (Hippler 2004- 2005) multi-faceted approach to nation building this paper will study Australia’s roles in the three interlinked dimensions or “starting points” for nation building: improvement of living conditions, structural reforms and integration of the national political system.

Neoliberalism, the developmental state and civil society in Korea

Following the Asian economic crisis of the late 1990s, some scholars predicted that the introduction of neoliberal ideas and policies would result in the definitive passing of the Korean developmental state. Despite these predictions, Korean state elites have retained their influential position as economic managers by, for instance, practicing a revised form of industrial policy. Neoliberal reform has, however, had significant social implications. Rather than neoliberalism acting as a democratising force that curtails the power of the state, this article illustrates that the Korean state has used the reform agenda to justify an expansion of its powers. The state presented itself as an agent capable of resolving long-standing economic problems, and of defending law and order. By doing so, the state reduced the political space available to non-state actors. The article concludes that for some states, neoliberalism is a means of retaining economic and political influence, and that former developmental states may be particularly adept at co-opting elements of civil society into governing alliances.

Book review: Anglo-Australian relations and the 'Turn to Europe': 1961-1972

The seminal decisions made by British governments in the 1960s to withdraw from a military role east of Suez and to apply to enter the European Economic Community effectively ended the British Empire. For Australian governments and their officials these decisions caused a seismic shift in Australia’s place in the world. Andrea Benvenuti’s Anglo-Australian Relations and the ‘Turn to Europe’: 19611972 tells the story of how successive Australian governments struggled against the United Kingdom’s decisions to withdraw from its worldwide imperial role to a strategic and economic future based in Europe. Benvenuti demonstrates how the actions of Coalition governments of the 1960s varied from active and sometimes angry diplomacy to reverse the direction of British policy to passive and sullen acceptance of a new world order in which the British Empire was no more. This fine book skilfully analyses the end of empire from the official perspectives of both Canberra and London.