One line lacks density : A study of the associations between cartographic representation and ontology

One way to represent and communicate density in the spatial disciplines including architecture, town planning and geography is through the map, plan or aerial photograph. These media and tools are generally perceived to be objective and analytical modes of practice. But what else do these modes of representation mediate? The paper will respond to this question by exploring notions of ontology, notions of dwelling and being in relation to lines and drawing techniques. A map or plan is an image, in addition to a mode of communication, and affects visual pleasure. As proposals of an unbuilt world and documents of existing environment, drawings contain lines of desire. The thesis is that the lines provide a corporeal framework for an imaginary projection between the viewer and a ‘real’ built environment. The paper becomes focussed on the specifics of the ‘green line’ that has represented post-war Beirut, and is typical of representation of sites of conflict.

In the plans of post-war Beirut an almost straight line running from the top to the bottom of the page is highlighted and represents a trajectory from the Place des Martyr to the Pine Forest. To descend from this metaphoric height of the map into the streets of Beirut is to confront urban density, traffic congestion, pollution exacerbated by dust, and a lack of greenery. During the war much of the fighting occurred across this marker, and since, it has been described as an empty neutral space due to the destruction of edifices on either side, and is often proposed as the only appropriate site for building projects of national significance. Is its emptiness an a priori condition of imaginary projections? Will it remain forever empty of the density everywhere else in Beirut? Who wants to dwell there?
This paper will examine the several nuances of the ‘green line’ and what role it plays between representation and defining ontological environments.

Civil society after Saddam: oil unions and democracy in Iraq

Following the intervention in Iraq by coalition forces one decade ago, the Bush Administration underwent an enormous and unprecedented project to bring the ‘Western’ liberal model of democracy to Iraq. For the first few years the project to bring democracy to Iraq had its share of successes as the Iraqi people proved themselves capable of understanding and utilizing democratic mechanisms and institutions. This culminated in a series of nation-wide elections from 2005 onwards that brought a democratically elected government to power (Isakhan, 2012). However, one of the unfortunate consequences of the war and the US effort to bring democracy to Iraq was that many key ethno-religious political factions viewed it as an opportunity to pedal their own relatively narrow and very divisive political rhetoric (Davis, 2007). This meant that the Iraqi government was constituted not so much by a body who wanted to draw Iraq together behind a common ideology and to work towards a collective and egalitarian future, as it was by representatives who would fight on behalf of their ethno-religious constituencies. Not surprisingly, a great deal of academic literature has emerged which has analysed and criticised the formal political parties and institutions of the post-Saddam era (Dawisha, 2009). Indeed, the bulk of contemporary scholarship on Iraqi politics focuses on issues such as: the increasingly authoritarian tendencies of the Iraqi government; the obstinacy and ineptitude of many elements of Iraq’s political elite; the systemic corruption that is hollowing out the coffers of the state; the moribund bureaucracy that are struggling to deliver basic services and; of course, the deep-seated divisions within and between those that represent Iraq’s three main ethno-religious blocks: the Shia Arabs, the Sunni Arabs and the Kurds.